ANTHROPOLOGY 
LIBRARY 


INTRODUCTION 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


BY 

PROF.   CYRUS   THOMAS, 

Author  of  "Report  on  Mound  Explorations"  (Twelfth  Annual  Report  of  the 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology);   "Catalogue  of  Prehistoric  Works  East  of 

the  Rocky  Mountains";  "A  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano";  "Burial 

Mounds  of  the  Northern  Sections  oi  the  United  States";  "Aids  to 

the  Study  of  the  Maya  Codices";   "Notes  on  Certain  Maya  and 

Mexican    Manuscripts"; "Problem    of   the   Ohio   Mounds"; 

"The  Cherokees  in  Pre-Columbian  Times";  etc. 


SECOND  IMPRESSION. 


OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


CINCINNATI  : 
THE   ROBERT  CLARKE   COMPANY, 

1903. 


COPYRIGHT.  1S9S, 
BY  THE  ROBERT  CLARKE  COMPANY 


6/ 


ANTHROP. 
,  LIBRARY 


MAJOR  JOHN   WESLEY   POWELL, 

To  whose  efficient  work  as  Director  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 

students  of  ethnology  are  so  largely  indebted 
for  the  recent  additions  made  to  the  data  relating  to  Forth  America; 

and  to  whose  aid  and  encouragement 

is  mainly  due  whatever  success  the  writer  may  have  achieved 
in  his  special  line, 

€his  work  is  respectfully  dedicated 

BY  THE  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 

The  little  volume  herewith  presented  to  the  public 
is  a  brief  resume  of  the  progress  which  has  been 
made,  up  to  the  present  time,  in  the  investigation 
and  study  of  North  American  archaeology.  The  in 
creased  activity  among  students  devoting  attention  to 
the  subject,  the  numerous  explorations  made,  the 
rapid  accumulation  of  data  and  the  flood  of  light 
thrown  on  the  questions  relating  to  prehistoric  North 
America  since  the  publication  of  the  last  general 
work  relating  thereto,  call  for  a  new  summary. 
Whether  the  work  now  offered  meets  this  demand 
must  be  left  for  the  readers  to  decide.  That  some 
parts  of  the  broad  field  have  been  left  unnoticed  is 
admitted,  the  attention  being  confined  chiefly  to  the 
more  important  characteristic  features,  as  those  best 
calculated  to  form  an  INTRODUCTION  to  the  subject ; 
and  as  best  calculated  to  interest  the  reader  and 
younger  students.  With  such  an  object  in  view, 
pages  broken  or  interrupted  by  foot-notes  are  not 
only  out  of  place,  but  often  serve  to  break  the  thread 
the  reader  is  following,  or  prove  an  interruption  to 
his  line  of  thought ;  reference  notes  have  therefore 
been  entirely  omitted. 

The  opinion  held  by  Maj.  J.  W.  Powell  that  the 

M 


vi  Preface. 

Indians  found  inhabiting  the  Atlantic  division  of 
North  America  and  their  ancestors  were  the  builders 
of  the  mounds  in  that  region,  which  the  explorations 
of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  under  his 
charge  have  done  much  to  confirm,  has  been  adopted. 
And,  in  general,  the  conclusions  reached  by  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology  in  reference  to  questions  re 
lating  to  language  and  archaeology,  so  far  as  these  ex 
tend,  have  been  accepted  and  used  as  a  basis  for  further 
steps  in  the  investigation.  But  the  author  alone 
must  be  held  responsible  for  any  views  advanced 
herein  which  have  not  been  generally  accepted,  or  in 
regard  to  which  there  are  different  opinions. 

I  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging  here  the  favors  I 
have  received  from  Maj.  J.  W.  Powell,  Director  of 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  and  Prof.  W.  J. 
McGee,  Ethnologist  in  Charge,  in  the  use  of  books,, 
pamphlets  and  other  literary  aids  needed  in  my  work, 
and  the  privilege  of  obtaining  numerous  electrotypes 
of  the  illustrations  herein  used,  favors,  however, 
which  have  always  been  willingly  extended  to  all  co- 
workers.  I  also  wish  to  acknowledge  the  favors  re 
ceived  from  Prof.  W.  H.  Holmes,  in  the  privilege  of 
copying  illustrations  of  and  profuse  borrowing  from 
his  late  work  on  the  cities  of  Mexico,  published  by  the 
Field  Columbian  Museum  ;  also  to  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge, 
of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  for  information 
communicated  and  papers  furnished  relating  to  the 


Preface.  vii 

Pueblo  region.  In  addition  to  the  illustrations  ob 
tained  from  the  Bureau  publications,  others  have 
been  copied  from  figures  in  the  U.  S.  Geological  Sur 
vey,  National  Museum,  etc.  Acknowledgment  to  the 
various  authors  from  whose  works  information  has 
been  drawn  will  be  found  in  the  text,  the  authors ' 
names  from  whose  works  and  papers  illustrations 
have  been  obtained  either  directly  or  indirectly,  are 
added  after  the  numbers  in  the  list  of  illustrations, 
the  original  being  referred  to  where  it  is  possible. 
The  numbers  in  the  list  of  illustrations  not  followed 
by  the  author's  name  are  either  original  figures, 
modifications  of  other  figures,  or  theoretical  restora 
tions  by  the  present  writer. 


CONTENTS. 


PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS —                                                            PAGE 
The  object,  scope  and  plan  of  the  work 1 

MATERIALS  FOR  STUDY  AND  CLASSIFICATION 8 

METHODS  OF  STUDY 22 

ARCTIC  DIVISION — 

Monuments  and  local  antiquities 35 

Implements,  ornaments,  etc 40 

Culture  home  of  the  Eskimo  43 

ATLANTIC  DIVISION 48 

Monuments  and  local  antiquities 50 

Mounds 51 

Burial  mounds 61 

Vessels,  implements  and  ornaments 79 

Pottery 87 

Long-necked  bottles 94 

The  gulf  province 97 

Pipes 98 

Articles  of  shell 103 

Textile  fabrics 108 

Copper  articles 109 

Articles  of  stone 113 

Inclosures  and  pyramidal  mounds 117 

Prehistoric  movements  of  population 121 

Hut-rings  and  house-sites 132 

Antiquity  and  authors  of  the  mounds 138 

Duration  of  the  mound-building  age 147 

Inclosures  and  other  mural  works..  .   152 


x  Contents. 

PAGE. 

PACIFIC  DIVISION 16!) 

North  Pacific  section — Athapascan  region 170 

North  Pacific  coast 1 76 

California  section 187 

Prehistoric  movements  of  population 200 

Intermontane  or  pueblo  section. 203 

Cave-dwellings 205 

Cliff-dwellings 208 

Ruins  on  the  plateaus  and  in  the  valleys 215 

Gila  valley  and  Chihuahua 221 

Builders  of  the  cliff-houses , 229 

Mexican  section — civilization 233 

Monuments  of  southern  Mexico 252 

Monuments  of  southern  Mexico— continued 264 

Monuments  of  Central  America 276 

Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan 296 

Migrations  of  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  tribes 312 

Migrations  of  certain  Mayan  tribes 328 

Origin  and  development  of  Central  American  civilization. . .  339 

Priests,  hieroglyphs  and  calendar 356 

CONCLUSION  . .                                                                               368 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 

1.  Bone  spear  head,  Eskimo.     (Dall.) 37 

2.  Stone  lamp,  Eskimo.     (Dall.) 37 

3.  Labret,  Eskimo.     (Dall.) 38 

4.  Remains  of  an  ancient  Eskimo  house.     (Boas.) 39 

5.  Ulu,  or  woman's  knife,  Eskimo.     (Mason.) 41 

6.  Soapstone  pot,  Eskimo.     (Murdoch.) 42 

7.  Hafted  jade  adze,  Eskimo.     (Murdoch.) 42 

8.  Skin  scraper,  Eskimo.     (Murdoch.) 43 

9.  Flint  flaker,  Eskimo.     (Murdoch.) 43 

10.  Plat  of  mound  group,  Wisconsin.     (Thomas.) 52 

11.  Terraced  mound,  Arkansas.     (Thomas.) 54 

12.  Elephant  mound,  Wisconsin.     (Thomas.) 56 

13.  Group  of  chain  mounds,  Wisconsin.     (Thomas.) 57 

14.  Section  of  Mississippi  mound.     (Thomas.) 63 

15.  Section  of  mound  in  eastern  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 66 

16.  Earthern  pot,  eastern  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 67 

17.  Shell  ear  ornament  or  hair  pin,  North  Carolina.    (Thomas.).  67 

18.  Engraved  shell,  North  Carolina.     (Thomas.) 68 

19.  Soapstone  pipe,  east  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 68 

20.  Beehive  vaults,  North  Carolina.     (Thomas.) 69 

21.  Soapstone  pipe,  North  Carolina.     (Thomas.) 70 

22.  Stone-grave  cemetery,  Illinois.     (Thomas.) 72 

23.  Triangular  pit,  North  Carolina.     (Thomas.) 80 

24.  Position    of    skeletons    in    an    east    Tennessee    mound. 

(Thomas.) 85 

25.  Copper  hawk's-bell,  east  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 86 

26.  Clay  vessel,  Canada.     (Boyle.) 88 

(xi) 


xii  List  of  Illustrations. 

PAGE, 

27.  Outline  figures  of  bowls.     (Holmes.) 89 

28.  Ornamental  bowl,  Tennessee.     (Thruston.) 89 

29.  Animal-shaped  bowl,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.) 90 

30.  Bird-shaped  bowl,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.) 90 

31.  Pot-shaped  vessel,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.) 91 

32.  Pot-shaped  vessel,  west  Tennessee.     (Holmes.) 91 

33.  Wide-mouthed  bottles.     (Holmes.) 92 

34.  (a)  Oppossum  vase,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.) 92 

(b)  Sunfish  vase,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.) 93 

35.  Bowl  representing  the  human  head,  Arkansas.     (Holmes.).     93 

36.  Winged  and  crested  rattlesnake  design,  Ark.     (Holmes.).     94 

37.  Outline  figures  of  long-necked  bottles.     (Holmes.) 94 

38.  Eccentric  shapes  in  long-necked  bottles.     (Holmes.) 94 

39.  Owl-shaped  bottle,  east  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 95 

40.  Burial  urn,  Georgia.     (Jones.) 97 

41.  Vessel  with  four  legs,  Georgia.     (Jones.) 97 

42.  (a  and  b)  Stemless  pipes.     (Boyle.) 99 

43.  Image  pipe,  Georgia.     (Thomas.) 99 

44.  Image  pipe,  Arkansas.     (Thomas.) 100 

45.  (a,  b  and  c)  Short-necked  pipes.     (Thomas.) 100 

46.  "  Monitor  "  pipe 101 

47.  Engraved  shell,  Arkansas.     (Thomas.) 104 

48.  Shell  gorget,  Tennessee.     (Jones.) ... 106 

49.  Shell  gorget,  Georgia.     (Thomas.) 106 

50.  Figured  copper  plate,  Georgia.     (Thomas.) Ill 

51.  Figured  copper  plate,  Illinois.     (Thomas.) 112 

52.  Figured  copper  plate,  Illinois.     (Thomas.) 112 

53.  Stone  image,  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 114 

54.  Stone  image,  Tennessee.     (Thomas.) 114 

55.  Banner  stones 115 

56.  Arrow  heads.     (Mercer.) 116 

57.  Mound  with  graded  way,  Georgia.     (Thomas.) 118 

58.  Double  terraced  mound,  Arkansas.     (Thomas.) 119 

59.  Selsertown  mound,  Mississippi.     (Thomas.) 120 

60.  Newark  works,  Ohio.     (Thomas.) 122 


List  of  Illustrations.  xiii 

PAGE. 

61.  "  Hill  Fort,"  Ohio.     (Thomas.) 126 

62.  Linn  works,  Illinois.     (Thomas.) 128 

63.  "Angel  mounds,"  Indiana.     (Thomas.) 130 

64.  House  site,  Arkansas.     (Thomas.) 134 

65.  Supposed  method  of  lathing  houses.     (Thomas.) 135 

66.  Surface  effigy,  South  Dakota.     (Thomas. ) 149 

67.  Dene  stone  war  club,  British  America.     (Morice.) 173 

68.  Stone  war  club,  Colorado.     (Wickersham.) 173 

69.  North-west  coast  pictograph.     (Niblack.) 178 

70.  Ceremonial    dress    of    Chilkat    chief,    north-west    coast. 

(Niblack.) 178 

71.  Totem  posts  of  north-west  coast.     (Niblack.) 179 

72.  Relics  from  southern  California 188 

73.  Manner    of    walling    up    the    front    of    a    cave-dwelling. 

(Holmes.) 207 

74.  Cliff-dwelling  on  the  Rio  Mancos.     (Holmes.) 210 

75.  Ruins  at  Aztec  Springs.     (Holmes.) 216 

76.  Village  group,  Arizona.     (Mindeleff.) 218 

77.  Ground  plan  of  the  Pueblo  Bonito.     (Jackson.) 219 

78.  Ground  plan  of  Casas  Grandes.     (Bandelier.) 224 

79.  Ground  plan  of  a  building  at  Casas  Grandes.     (Bartlett.) . .  228 

80.  Mayan  day  symbols 242 

81 .  Mexican  day  symbols 242 

82.  Part  of  the  inscription  of  the  Tablet  of  the  Cross,  Palen- 

que.      (Photograph.) 246 

83.  Pyramid  at  Los  Edificios , 253 

84.  Sculptured  column,  Tula 257 

85.  Ruins  of  Teotihuacan.     (Holmes.) 258 

86.  Ground  plan  of  Teotihuacan  building.     (Holmes.) 261 

87.  Ruins  of  the  temple  of  Xochicalco.     (Nadaillac:  "  L'Am. 

Prehist.") 265 

88.  Ruins  at  Mitla.     (Holmes.) 269 

89.  Room  with  columns,  Mitla.     (Holmes.) 271 

90.  Fretwork  in  the  grand  palace,  Mitla.     (Holmes.) 272 

91 .  Painted  designs,  Mitla.     (Holmes. ) 273 


xiv  List  of  Illustrations. 

PAGE. 

92.  Plan  of  the  ruins  at  Palenque.     (Holmes.) 278 

93.  Ground  plan  of  the  palace,  Palenque.     (Holmes.) 279 

94.  Cross-section  of  palace,  Palenque.     (Holmes.) 280 

95.  Part  of  Palenque  palace  restored 281 

96.  Ground  plans  of  Temples  at  Palenque.     (Holmes.) 282 

97.  Sculptured  lintel,  Lorillard  City.     (Photograph.) 286 

98.  Plan  of  ruins  at  Uxmal.     (Holmes.) 289 

99.  Ornamentation  on  the  governor's  palace,  Uxmal.  (Holmes.)  290 

100.  Section  of  the  Casa  del  Gobernador.     (Holmes.) 292 

101.  Ornamentation  on  the  nun's  palace,  Uxmal.     (Holmes.)..  293 

102.  Ground  plan  of  nunnery,  Chichen-Itza.     (Holmes.) 298 

103.  Elephant  trunk  figure,  Yucatan 299 

304.  Vertical  section  of  the   Caracol,  or  tower,  Chichen-Itza. 

(Holmes.) 299 

105.  Ground  plan  of  the  tower,  Chichen-Itza.     (Holmes.) 300 

106.  Atlantean  figure,  Chichen-Itza.     (Holmes.) 301 

107.  Ground  plan  of  ruins,  Copan.     (Maudslay.) 308 

108.  Vertical  section,  main  group,  Copan.     (Maudslay.) 309 


INTRODUCTION 


TO    THE 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology 


CHAPTER  I. 

PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

Archaeology  in  its  widest  sense  and  by  derivation 
includes  the  investigation  of  the  origin,  language,  be 
liefs,  customs,  arts — every  thing,  in  a  word,  that  can 
be  learned  of  the  ancient  life  of  a  people.  It  is  in 
this  sense  that  it  is  used  in  the  title  of  this  work,  and 
not  in  the  more  limited  scope  to  which  its  modern  use 
has  a  tendency  to  restrict  it,  notwithstanding  the  ef 
forts  of  lexicographers  to  retain  its  original  meaning. 
The  work  is  intended  really  as  an  introduction  to  the 
study  of  prehistoric  North  America,  of  the  people  as 
well  as  the  monuments.  To  gather  and  describe  an 
tiquities,  although  thoroughly  and  intelligently  done, 
is  by  no  means  all  of  archaeology.  True,  these  are 
to  archaeology  what  the  unfashioned  and  unadjusted 
materials  of  which  the  house  is  to  be  built  are  to  the 
house,  but  they  are  not  the  house.  The  monuments 
are  the  tombs  of  past  ages  ;  the  work  of  archaeology 
in  its  broad  sense  is  to  revivify  the  dead,  to  put  life 
into  the  past,  and,  so  far  as  possible,  to  bring  before 
1 


2  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  mind  the  ancient  people  with  their  activities, 
characteristics  and  customs.  In  other  words,  the 
chief  object  in  view  in  the  study  of  archaeology  is  the 
man  of  bygone  ages.  It  is  with  this  idea  in  view 
that  this  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  North  American 
Archaeology  has  been  written,  but  only  as  an  intro 
duction,  for  the  field  is  too  broad  to  be  covered  in  one 
small  volume. 

The  problems  which  confront  the  student  of  Ameri 
can  archaeology  are  exceedingly  difficult,  and  some  of 
them  seemingly  beyond  the  possibility  of  solution  be 
cause  of  the  sheer  break  between  the  historic  and 
prehistoric  eras.  Omitting  the  discovery  of  Greenland 
and  possibly  the  north-east  coast  of  the  continent  by 
the  Northmen  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century,  which 
left  no  impress,  the  history  of  the  western  world  be 
gins  with  the  discovery  of  the  West  Indies  by  Colum 
bus  in  1492  ;  all  that  lie  back  of  that  date  belong  to 
the  prehistoric  era,  a  gloom,  so  to  speak,  unlight- 
ened  by  a  single  deciphered  page  of  history.  In  the 
Old  World  there  are  few  regions  in  regard  to  whose 
past  there  are  no  recorded  hints  which  can  be  used  as 
stepping  stones  in  the  backward  march ;  in  other 
words,  history  and  prehistory  are  dovetailed,  so  to 
speak,  one  with  another,  but  not  so  in  the  New 
World. 

These  difficulties  have  possibly  caused  more  than 
one  student  to  feel  as  Palgrave,  who,  in  apparent  de 
spair  over  the  unsatisfactory  results  of  the  efforts,  up 
to  his  day,  to  lift  the  veil  which  shuts  out  the  past,  ex 
claims  :  "We  must  give  it  up,  that  speechless  past ; 
whether  fact  or  chronology,  doctrine  or  mythology  ; 
whether  in  Europe,  Asia,  Africa  or  America ;  at 


Preliminary  Observations.  3 

Thebes  or  Palenque,  on  Lycian  shore  or  Salisbury 
Plains;  lost  is  lost,  gone  is  gone  forever."  But  a 
different  spirit  animates  the  students  of  the  present 
day,  the  very  difficulties  in  the  way  are  themselves  so 
many  incentives  to  attacks.  What  seemed  beyond 
human  reach  to  the  London  antiquary  and  historian 
sixty  years  ago,  is  deemed  by  scholars  of  the  closing 
years  of  the  nineteenth  century  to  be,  in  a  large  de 
gree,  attainable.  The  veil,  which  Palgrave  looked 
upon  as  fixed  and  immovable,  has  been  lifted  at  nu 
merous  points  and  rays  of  light  let  in  upon  the  past. 
Some  of  the  problems  which  were,  fifty  years  ago, 
yea,  but  twenty-five,  deemed  impossible  of  solution, 
have  been  satisfactorily  solved,  and  have  now  become 
foundation  stones  in  the  archaeological  structure. 

It  is  true,  as  Sir  John  Lubbock  remarks  :  "In  at 
tempting  to  reconstruct  the  story  of  the  past,  students 
have  too  often  allowed  imagination  to  usurp  the  place 
of  research,  and  have  written  in  the  spirit  of  the  nov 
elist  rather  than  in  that  of  the  philosopher."  The 
hundreds  of  dust-covered  works  on  the  subject  of  pre- 
Columbian  America,  and  the  origin  of  its  people, 
which  now  lie,  well  nigh  forgotten,  on  the  shelves  of 
libraries,  bear  testimony  to  the  truth  of  this  remark, 
as  do  also  the  numerous  discarded  theories  relating 
thereto.  Nevertheless  theories  will  continue  to  be  ad 
vanced,  indeed  must  be  if  progress  is  made  in  the 
study  of  the  past,  especially  where  so  many  links  of 
the  chain  are  still  wanting  as  in  American  archae 
ology.  The  investigating  spirit  of  the  age  will  not 
brook  delay ;  wherever  there  is  an  unbroken  field 
some  scientific  plow  is  sure  to  enter,  though  but  poorly 
equipped  for  the  work.  However,  of  late  years  more 


4  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

strict  methods  of  approaching  the  many  problems  in 
volved  have  been  introduced,  and  now,  instead  of  at 
tempting  by  imagination  or  theorizing  to  reach  con 
clusions  at  once,  slow  and  patient  investigation  is  the 
process  pursued.  The  spade  has  to  a  large  extent  re 
placed  the  pen,  and  instead  of  building  theories 
chiefly  by  imagination,  there  is  a  careful  sifting  of  all 
the  evidence  which  appears  to  have  any  bearing  on 
the  subject.  The  fragments  of  data  are  fitted  to 
gether  and  tentative  theories  deduced  simply  as  a 
plan  of  further  progress,  often  however  to  be  cast 
aside  or  modified,  as  new  material,  which  will  not 
readily  drop  into  place,  is  discovered. 

As  no  intelligent  student  will  continue  his  investi 
gations  of  the  ancient  monuments  for  any  consider 
able  length  of  time  without  forming  theories  in  regard 
to  the  uses,  age  and  authors  of  the  works  examined, 
it  is  all  important  to  his  progress  to  know  which  of 
the  questions  that  arise  have  been  completely  or  par 
tially  answered,  and  to  ascertain  which  of  the  numer 
ous  theories  advanced  in  regard  to  the  various  ques 
tions  have  been  definitely  eliminated  by  universal 
consent  from  the  class  possessing  elements  of  possi 
bility.  This  knowledge  will  clear  from  his  pathway 
much  of  the  rubbish  which  would  otherwise  encumber 
it.  Another  important  point  is  to  know  the  lines 
along  which  the  opposing  views  are  being  pushed  by 
their  respective  advocates.  Although  it  is  undoubtedly 
the  part  of  wisdom  to  hold  in  restraint  the  disposition 
to  theorize,  this  knowledge  directs  the  careful  student's 
attention  to  numerous  points  which  might  otherwise 
be  overlooked  in  his  investigations.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that  the  author  of  this  little  work  has  ventured 


Preliminary  Observations.  5 

to  briefly  outline  the  theories  relating  to  some  of  the 
more  important  problems  which  must  confront  the 
student  of  American  archaeology.  The  chief  object, 
however,  will  be  to  present  the  data,  and  to  arrange 
them  so  as  to  afford  the  student  some  means  of  bring 
ing  into  harmony  and  utilizing  his  facts  and  materials. 
But  as  it  is  manifestly  impossible  to  present  in  a 
single  small  volume  a  full  account  of  the  archaeologic 
remains  of  the  continent,  and  discuss  all  the  questions 
which  arise  in  connection  therewith,  only  those  con 
sidered  the  best  representatives  of  the  leading  types 
and  those  which  best  illustrate  the  art,  customs  and 
culture  status  of  the  former  inhabitants  will  be  re 
ferred  to. 

The  writer,  as  those  who  peruse  this  work  will  ob 
serve,  has  not  entered  into  a  discussion  of  the  question 
of  the  so-called  paleolithic  age,  or  glacial  man  in 
America,  for  the  reason  that  he  does  not  believe  the 
evidence  on  which  the  theory  is  based,  as  yet  sufficient 
to  justify  its  acceptance.  The  results  of  the  more  re 
cent  investigations  in  America,  or  at  least  North 
America,  all  tend  in  the  other  direction.  One  by  one 
the  strongholds  of  the  advocates  are  being  overturned, 
and  the  evidence  on  which  the  theory  is  based  dis 
counted.  The  author  feels  constrained  to  the  belief 
that  peopled  America  though  old  in  years  bears  no 
where  such  marks  of  antiquity  as  are  to  be  found 
in  some  parts  of  the  Eastern  Continent.  To  accept  the 
antiquity  which  has  been  assigned  by  the  advocates  of 
this  theory  to  the  early  inhabitants  would,  as  the 
writer  thinks,  require  in  order  to  be  consistent  an  en 
tire  recasting  of  all  the  more  stable  theories  which 
have  been  propounded.  "Paleolithic"  as  a  clescriptive 


6  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

term  is  of  minor  importance,  but  as  a  theory  which 
would  carry  back  the  presence  of  man  in  America  to 
that  immensely  distant  era  which  has  been  assigned 
is  a  very  different  thing. 

Mr.  Keary  remarks  in  the  opening  paragraph  of 
the  second  chapter  of  his  "Dawn  of  History"  that 
"Between  the  earlier  and  later  stone  age,  between 
man  of  the  drift  period  and  man  of  the  neolithic  era 
occurs  a  vast  blank  which  we  can  not  fill  in.  We 
bid  adieu  to  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  our  earth 
while  they  are  still  the  contemporaries  of  the  mam 
moth  and  woolly  rhinoceros,  or  of  the  cave  lion  and 
the  cave  bear,  and  while  the  very  surface  of  the  earth 
wears  a  different  aspect  from  what  it  now  wears. 
With  a  changed  condition  of  things,  with  a  race  of 
animals  which  differed  not  essentially  from  those 
known  to  us,  and  with  a  settled  conformation  of  lands 
and  seas  not  again  to  be  departed  from,  comes  before 
us  the  second  race  of  man — man  of  the  polished 
stone  age."  It  is  true  that  it  is  claimed  by  some 
European  authors  that  this  hiatus  is  not  so  real  as  it 
at  first  appears  to  be,  and  that  it  has  been  partially 
bridged  over  by  some  recent  finds.  But  the  effort  to 
bridge  the  chasm  shows  too  clearly  to  be  misunder 
stood  that  it  is  there,  and  so  long  as  it  remains  un 
closed  is  a  weak  point,  if  not  fatal  flaw,  in  the  theory. 

We  accept  as  correct  the  idea  advanced  by  Mr.  A. 
H.  Keane  in  his  "Ethnology,"  that  appeal  to  tradi 
tional  movements  and  other  traditional  data  will  have 
no  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the 
people  of  America  unless  paleolithic  man  in  America 
is  abandoned.  So  believing,  though  we  do  not  pro 
pose  to  discuss  this  question  of  the  original  peopling 


Preliminary  Observations.  7 

of  the  continent,  we  put  aside  glacial  or  paleolithic 
man  of  America  as  yet  wanting  in  the  credentials 
which  entitle  him  to  a  place  in  scientific  circles. 

The  history  of  the  western  continent  is  supposed  to 
begin  with  its  discovery  by  Columbus  at  the  close  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  all  that  antedate  that  event 
being  considered  prehistoric.  While  this  is  true  in 
the  broad  and  general  sense  in  which  it  is  used,  yet, 
strictly  speaking,  the  history  of  the  different  sections 
begins  with  the  first  knowledge  of  them  obtained  by 
Europeans.  Hence  the  border  line  between  the  his 
toric  and  prehistoric  eras  varies  in  date  according  to 
the  section  referred  to.  The  Ohio  valley,  for  example, 
was  terra  incognita  to  the  civilized  world  for  a  century 
after  Cortez  entered  the  capital  of  Anahuac.  That 
which  lies  back  of  this  border  line  belongs  to  the  pre 
historic  era,  and  the  student  who  would  penetrate  the 
mystery  of  that  past  must  examine  and  carefully 
study  the  monuments  ;  listen  to  the  traditions  which 
have  floated  down  the  ages  ;  gather  the  folk-lore  tales  ; 
and  compare  the  customs,  arts,  and  beliefs  of  the 
tribes  as  first  seen  and  learned.  He  must  study  the 
native  form  and  lineaments,  and  trace  by  linguistic 
evidence  the  relationship  of  tribes  and  groups  ;  for  in 
America  there  is  no  scaffolding  of  history  to  assist 
him  as  in  the  Old  World.  The  transition  from  the 
prehistoric  to  the  historic  w^as,  from  the  very  nature 
of  the  case,  sudden,  there  being  no  true  proto-historic 
period. 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MATERIALS    FOR    STUDY CLASSIFICATION. 

When  Columbus  sailed  among  the  Antilles,  Cortez 
landed  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  when  Jacques  Carder 
sailed  up  the  St.  Lawrence  and  De  Soto  traversed  the 
Gulf  States,  each  and  all  found  the  regions  they 
visited  inhabited  by  people  of  a  race  different  from 
any  known  to  the  eastern  continent.  The  discoveries 
which  followed  brought  to  light  the  fact  that  the  lake 
region  and  the  Mississippi  valley  were  inhabited  by 
people  of  the  same  race.  Whence  they  came,  and 
how  long  they  had  inhabited  these  regions — in  other 
words  what  was  their  history — could  not  be  ascer 
tained,  as  they  possessed  no  historical  records  save  a 
few  symbolic  rolls  and  inscriptions  which  are  as  yet 
sealed  books  to  scientists.  The  dim  and  shadowy 
traditions  which  they  related  to  the  European  dis 
coverers  were  so  confused  and,  in  most  cases,  so 
fabulous  as  to  throw  but  little  light  on  these  ques 
tions.  And  what  was  found  to  be  true  of  the  regions 

o 

mentioned  was  found  to  be  true  in  a  general  sense  of 
the  entire  continent.  The  most  important  variation 
discovered  was  the  evidence  of  more  advanced  culture 
in  certain  areas,  as  Mexico,  Central  America,  and 
Peru.  The  people,  however,  though  split  into  numer 
ous  stocks  and  tribes,  and  differing  in  minor  respects, 
belonged  apparently  to  the  same  race,  its  members 
being  popularly  known  as  "Indians"  or  "American 
Indians." 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  9 

In  these  facts  we  have  one  fundamental  point  with 
which  no  correct  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  pre 
historic  times  of  the  continent  can  be  at  variance. 
The  natives  were  here  and  must  be  recognized  by 
every  theory,  must  be  a  factor  in  every  general  con 
clusion. 

The  chief  fundamental  factor  in  the  study  of  ar 
chaeology  is  found  in  the  monuments.  "The  teach 
ings  of  material  relics,"  truly  remarks  one  author, 
"so  far  as  they  go,  are  irrefutable.  Real  in  them 
selves,  they  impart  an  air  of  reality  to  the  study  of 
the  past."  These  are  indisputable  products  of  human 
activity,  and  have  imprinted  upon  them,  as  it  were, 
the  ideas  and  conceptions  of  a  bygone  age.  They  are 
records  in  which  we  may  read  not  only  the  culture- 
status  of  that  past  age,  but  also  much  in  regard  to 
the  customs  and  beliefs  of  the  people.  For  these 
reasons  attention  is  directed  to  them  as  the  chief 
foundation  stones  on  which  our  archaeological  struc 
ture  must  be  built. 

Although  the  monuments  furnish  the  chief  and 
most  reliable  data  to  the  archaeologist,  and  throw 
more  light  on  the  customs,  arts  and  beliefs  of  the 
people,  and  reveal  more  in  regard  to  the  life  of  the 
individual  and  family  than  any  other  aids,  they  are 
not  the  only  helps  he  finds  in  his  endeavor  to  pene 
trate  the  unwritten  past.  Language,  which  is  also 
reliable,  enables  him  to  determine  the  affinity  of 
tribes  and  peoples.  By  this  means  he  can  often  say 
with  positive  certainty  that  widely  separated  tribes 
or  groups  have,  in  the  past,  sundered  relations  with 
the  great  body  of  their  kindred  and  sought  distant 
homes.  He  has  ascertained  by  this  means  that  the 


10  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Apaches  and  Navajos  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and 
Northern  Mexico  are  offshoots  from  the  great  Athapas 
can  family  of  Northern  British  America,  and  that  the 
Arapahos  and  Blackfeet  Indians  of  the  western  plains 
arc  members  of  the  Algonquian  stock  which  spread 
over  North  America  from  the  Atlantic  coast  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  Thus  he  is  enabled  to  trace  with 
more  or  less  accuracy  the  lines  of  prehistoric  migra 
tion,  and  outline  the  general  trend  in  ancient  move 
ments  of  population. 

Traditions,  although  less  reliable  than  the  monu 
ments  and  language,  furnish  some  data  to  the  archae 
ologist  which  frequently  serve  to  explain  otherwise 
uncertain  evidence,  and  lead  to  satisfactory  conclu 
sions.  Folk-lore,  mythology  and  customs  sometimes 
indicate  former  contact  or  relationship  not  otherwise 
revealed,  and  explain  many  otherwise  puzzling  monu 
ments  and  relics.  Craniology  is  strongly  appealed  to 
by  European  ethnologists  as  an  important  factor  in 
this  study,  but  the  results  so  far  obtained,  except  in 
cases  of  artificial  pressure,  are  too  unsatisfactory  to 
justify  its  use  except  in  broad  generalizations,  and 
then  only  as  cumulative  evidence.  This,  the  writer 
is  well  aware,  is  in  conflict  with  the  views  of  a  num 
ber  of  leading  ethnologists  ;  nevertheless  he  feels  jus 
tified  in  making  this  statement  deliberately  to  the 
younger  students  of  American  archaeology. 

The  wide  differences  in  many  respects  between  the 
monumental  remains  of  the  Old  World  and  those  of 
the  New,  and  also  between  the  data  relating  thereto, 
call  for  a  widely  different  method  of  study.  Even 
the  classification  and  nomenclature  of  the  former  are 
not  adapted  to  the  latter.  The  arrangement  into  four 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  11 

classes  or  ages — the  Paleolithic,  Neolithic,  Bronze  and 
Iron — is  conceded  to  be  inapplicable  to  America. 
Evidence  of  the  two  stone  ages  may  possibly  be  found, 
though  still  denied  by  a  number  of  our  leading 
archaeologists,  and  a  copper  age  may  be  substituted 
for  the  bronze,  but  the  similarity  will  extend  no 
further.  The  use  of  iron  as  a  metal  was  unknown  in 
America  previous  to  the  discovery  by  Columbus. 
Copper  was  used  to  a  limited  extent,  but  it  is  ex 
tremely  doubtful  whether  the  method  of  manufactur 
ing  bronze  had  been  discovered  at  any  point  on  the 
continent.  Stone  was  the  chief  reliance  until  the  in 
troduction  of  European  implements.  The  archae- 
ologic  remains  of  the  former,  taken  as  a  whole,  are 
so  widely  different  from  those  of  America,  that  the 
nomenclature  of  the  one,  except  as  applied  to  some 
of  the  ruder  objects,  is  totally  inapplicable  to  those 
of  the  other.  It  has  therefore  been  found  necessary, 
in  studying  the  archaeology  of  America,  to  proceed 
upon  an  independent  line  and  to  adopt  an  original 
basis  and  a  new  nomenclature. 

Although  this  limits  the  range  of  any  classificatory 
system  which  may  be  attempted,  it  falls  far  short  of  do 
ing  away  with  the  difficulties  the  American  archaeolo 
gist  is  compelled  to  encounter.  Not  only  is  he  con 
fronted  by  the  fact,  as  apparent  in  the  Old  World  as 
in  the  New,  that  archaeology,  even  where  it  has  been 
longest  studied,  has  not  reached  that  stage  where  it 
may  be  termed  a  true  science,  the  general  principles 
of  which  by  modification  may  apply  to  any  sec 
tion  or  country,  but  also  by  a  multiplicity  of  objects 
so  variant  in  form  and  character,  and  usually  in  such 
a  fragmentary  condition  as,  without  a  knowledge  of 


12  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

their  uses,  to  baffle  his  attempts  at  a  systematic  classi 
fication.  Nadaillac,  alluding  to  the  various  forms  of 
American  antiquities,  remarks  that  "these  facts  will 
show  how  very  difficult,  not  to  say  impossible,  is  any 
classification,"  a  statement  which  any  one  who  at 
tempts  a  systematic  arrangement  will  be  disposed  to 
accept  as  true.  When  dealing  with  a  limited  area 
where  the  types  are  somewhat  similar,  classification 
to  some  extent  is  possible  and  advantageous,  but  the 
attempt  to  apply  it  to  the  entire  continent  will  prove 
abortive.  However,  as  some  grouping  is  necessary  in 
order  to  facilitate  reference  and  comparison,  in  the 
absence  of  a  scientific  arrangement  we  must  have  re 
course  to  an  arbitrary  scheme.  As  the  author  has  as 
yet  seen  no  better  arrangement  of  primary  groups 
than  that  suggested  in  his  "Report  on  the  Mound 
Explorations  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology," 
published  in  the  12th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau, 
it  is  adopted  here. 

By  this  the  objects  are  divided,  in  a  broad  and  com 
prehensive  sense,  into  three  classes. 

1.  Monuments  (in  the  limited  sense),  or  local  antiqui 
ties.     This  division  or  class  includes  all  those  antiqui 
ties   that   are   fixed  or  stationary,   which   necessarily 
pertain  to  a  particular  locality  or  place. 

2.  Relics  and  Remains,  or  movable  antiquities.     Those 
not   fixed   and   which   have   no    necessary   connection 
with  a  particular  locality. 

3.  Paleographic  Objects.     Inscriptions,  picture  writ 
ings,  etc.,  whether  on  fixed  or  transportable  objects. 

Tliis  is,  of  course,  an  arbitrary  arrangement,  the 
third  group  being  unnecessary  except  as  a  matter  of 
convenience  ;  however  it  appears  to  be  a  practical 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  13 

working  system  by  which  the  lines  of  distinction  are 
somewhat  rigidly  drawn.  Moreover  it  is  adapted  to 
the  two  methods  of  investigation  and  study,  viz.,  in 
the  field  and  in  the  museum,  and  is  in  line  with 
Dr.  Moriz  Hoernes'  suggestion  that,  in  studying 
archaeological  objects,  attention  should  be  given  to 
the  "Typographic  and  Museographic  order." 

The  first  class  does  not  appear  to  be  susceptible  of 
arrangement  into  satisfactory  primary  divisions.  The 
only  plan  which  as  yet  seems  possible  is  to  arrange 
them  by  types,  chiefly  according  to  form,  where  the 
object  and  use  are  not  apparent,  or  known. 

The  objects  of  the  second  class  may  be  grouped  into 
two  divisions :  1.  Remains,  including  human  and 
animal  remains  ;  2.  Relics,  including  all  other  mova 
ble  antiquities.  The  further  division  of  the  second 
group  is  largely  typological,  reference  being  made  to 
use  so  far  as  this  is  evident. 

.  Partly  because  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  a 
satisfactory  and  useful  classification,  and  partly  be 
cause  the  chief  object  of  archaeologic  investigations 
is  to  learn  what  is  possible  in  regard  to  the  life,  char 
acter,  activities  and  racial  affinity  of  the  former  in 
habitants  of  given  sections,  it  has  been  found  most 
advantageous  to  study  the  monuments  according  to 
the  culture  areas,  so  far  as  these  can  be  determined 
approximately  from  the  data  which  have  been  ob 
tained. 

As  it  is  practically  impossible  to  make  any  satisfac 
tory  classification  of  the  antiquities  of  the  whole  con 
tinent,  further  than  into  the  primary  classes  men 
tioned  above,  the  order  followed  herein  will,  as  above 
intimated,  be  geographical  rather  than  typological. 


14  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology, 

The  divisions  will  be  made  to  correspond,  so  far  as 
the  data  enable  us  to  judge,  to  the  culture  areas.  But 
the  attempt  to  mark  the  culture  areas,  except  as  to 
the  three  primary  divisions  mentioned  below,  can  only 
be  partially  carried  out,  hence  the  subdivisions  must 
be  considered  as  chiefly  geographical  and  intended 
more  as  a  matter  of  convenience  and  comparison  than 
as  archaeological.  Nevertheless  that  there  are  several 

o 

culture  areas,  both  in  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  divis 
ions,  which  will  be  ultimately  determined  and  out 
lined,  is  undoubtedly  true.  It  is  also  true  that,  even 
with  the  data  which  have  been  obtained,  some  of  these 
areas  are  quite  clearly  indicated,  though  they  can  not 
be  mapped  with  boundary  lines. 

The  tendency  of  the  present  day  is  to  base  the 
efforts  to  arrange  the  native  population  into  ethnic 
groups  on  the  linguistic  evidence  alone,  leaving  out 
of  view  the  important  aid  in  tracing  the  development 
of  these  groups  to  be  derived  from  a  careful  study  of 
the  archaeological  data,  or  referring  to  them  only 
when  they  can  be  used  to  confirm  the  theories  based 
on  the  linguistic  evidence.  This  arises  in  part  from 
the  fact  that,  while  the  archaeological  data  relating  to 
a  large  portion  of  the  continent  are  few,  and  that 
archaeology  can  not,  as  yet,  be  considered  a  true 
science  ;  on  the  other  hand  the  linguistic  material, 
although  not  complete,  is  much  more  abundant,  and 
the  treatment  thereof  reduced  to  true  scientific  meth 
ods.  As  the  latter  field  affords  greater  promise  of 
reaching  positive  conclusions,  it  is  more  attractive  to 
methodical  students. 

As  the  discussion  of  this  subject  from  the  linguistic 
standpoint  is  necessarily  based  upon  the  study  of  the 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  15 

various  linguistic  stocks  and  families  of  the  entire 
continent,  and,  to  some  extent,  upon  the  migrations 
therein,  so  the  discussion  of  the  same  questions  from 
the  archaeological  standpoint  must  be  based  upon  the 
study  of  the  various  types  and  their  distribution  over 
the  continent.  And  the  same  necessity  for  grouping 
in  some  manner  arises  here  as  in  the  linguistic  field. 
Although  the  materials  with  which  the  antiquarian 
has  to  deal  are  not  so  well  defined  and  distinctly 
classed  as  those  with  which  the  philologist  is  con 
cerned,  yet  careful  study  and  comparison  will  enable 
him  to  note  the  differences,  geographical  and  to  some 
extent  ethnical.  The  indications  of  comprehensive 
archaeological  sections  as  marked  by  differences  in 
type  are  too  apparent  to  be  denied,  and  there  are  also 
indications  of  minor  districts.  The  chief  drawback 
in  attempting  to  use  these  as  evidences  of  ethnic  dis 
tinctions  arises  from  several  causes — uncertainty  as  to 
what  types  are  wholly  due  to  physical  conditions  and 
what  are  tribal  or  ethnic  ;  also  from  a  lack  of  material 
for  comparison  ;  the  overlapping  and  intermingling  of 
types  in  consequence  of  the  shifting  of  position  by 
tribes  ;  and  lastly  the  fact  that  types  of  art  are  not 
governed  strictly  by  ethnic  lines.  Nevertheless  race 
characteristics  and  tribal  customs  impress  themselves 
to  a  certain  extent  under  all  variations  in  location  and 
condition,  upon  the  works  and  art  of  people  in  a  sav 
age  or  semi-civilized  state.  For  instance,  although 
the  Mexicans  and  Mayas  lived  side  by  side,  and  used 
the  same  calendar  system  and  the  same  method  of 
enumeration,  yet  we  notice  marked  differences  be 
tween  their  symbolic  writings  and  their  types  of  art. 
We  also  notice  in  the  mound  section  the  wide  differ- 


16  Study  of  A'orth  American  Archaeology. 

ence  between  the  mound  types  of  Wisconsin  and  the 
other  portions  of  the  Mississippi  valley.  However,  it 
is  difficult  with  the  data  so  far  obtained  to  fix  cor 
rectly  the  boundaries  of  the  different  culture  districts. 

Although  we  meet  with  this  difficulty  in  defining 
geographically  the  boundaries  of  the  districts  and 
more  comprehensive  sections,  it  does  not  prevent  us 
from  drawing  correct  conclusions  from  their  general 
positions  and  peculiar  types.  That  all  the  distin 
guishing  types  of  a  district  or  section  can  not  be  at 
tributed  to  the  peculiar  physical  features  of  such  dis 
tricts  or  sections  must  be  admitted.  Will  any  one 
claim  that  the  vast  difference  between  the  archaeologic 
types  of  Mexico  and  Wisconsin  have  resulted  vrholly 
from  the  physical  differences  of  the  two  areas?  If 
not,  it  follows,  though  physical  environment  is  a  po 
tent  influence  in  the  formation  of  types,  that  so  much 
as  has  not  resulted  from  physical  peculiarities  must 
be  attributed  to  racial  or  tribal  customs.  Yet  the 
powerful  influence  of  physical  conditions  must  not  be 
overlooked. 

A  careful  examination  of  what  has  been  ascertained 
in  regard  to  North  American  archaeology,  with  special 
reference  to  the  question  of  archaeologic  sections, 
leads  in  the  first  place  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
ancient  remains  belong  in  a  broad  and  comprehensive 
sense  to  two  general  classes.  One  of  these  classes  is 
limited  geographically  to  the  Atlantic  slope,  the  other 
chiefly  to  the  Pacific  slope,  the  eastern  or  Rocky 
mountain  range  of  the  great  continental  mountain 
belt  to  the  Rio  Grande  forming  approximately  the 
dividing  line  between  the  two  areas.  According  to 
this  division,  the  Atlantic  section  includes  that  part 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  17 

of  the  continent  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  and 
north  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  except  the  Dene  or  north 
ern  Athapascan  region,  and  the  Pacific  section  the  re 
mainder  from  Alaska  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  in 
cluding  the  Athapascan  territory.  The  arctic  region, 
or  Eskimo  area,  which  is  not  taken  into  consideration 
here,  forming  a  separate  division. 

While  there  are  manifest  and  marked  differences  in 
the  types  and  characters  of  the  ancient  works  and  re 
mains  of  different  areas  within  each  of  these  two 
comprehensive  sections,  yet  when  those  of  the  Pacific 
slope,  as  a  whole,  are  compared  with  those  of  the 
Atlantic  slope,  there  is  a  dissimilarity  which  marks 
them  as  the  products  of  different  ethnic  groups,  or  as 
the  result  of  different  influences. 

If  this  division  into  two  great  archaeologic  sections 
is  based  on  sufficiently  reliable  data  to  justify  its 
adoption,  it  will  form  a  very  important  landmark  in 
the  discussion  of  the  chief  problems  of  the  prehistoric 
times  of  our  continent.  Reference  to  some  only  of 
the  evidences  bearing  on  this  point  is  made  here  to 
show  their  character,  as  it  would  not  be  possible  to 
present  them  in  detail  in  a  short  chapter. 

One  of  the  first  impressions  made  upon  the  mind  of 
the  student  of  North  American  ethnology  is  the  re 
semblance  in  a  broad  and  general  sense  of  the  features, 
customs,  arts,  and  archaeological  remains  of  the  west 
coast  to  those  of  the  islands  in  and  countries  border 
ing  on  the  Pacific  ocean,  while  on  the  other  hand 
there  is  no  such  resemblance  between  them  and  those 
of  the  Atlantic  slope.  In  other  words,  the  types 
when  classified  in  the  broadest  sense  appear  to  ar- 
2 


18  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

range  themselves  in  two  general  divisions — those  be 
longing  to  the  Pacific  slope  and  those  confined  to  the 
Atlantic  slope.  Although  this  classification  was  not 
made  in  express  words  until  it  was  done  by  the  author 
of  this  work  (see  Eeport  on  Mound  Explorations,  in 
the  12th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Eth 
nology,  1894),  yet  there  is  a  very  evident  tendency  in 
the  works  relating  to  the  west  coast  ethnology  toward 
such  a  classification,  and  a  disposition  to  separate  and 
mark  out  what  may  be  termed  the  Pacific  types.  "If 
nations  of  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Atlantic,"  says 
Prof.  Dall,  "were  responsible  [for  the  introduction  of 
the  above  mentioned  types] ,  we  should  expect  the  At 
lantic  shores  of  America  to  show  the  results  of  the  in 
fluence  most  clearly.  This  is  not  the  case,  but  the 
very  reverse  of  the  case." 

As  indicative  of  this  difference  a  few  of  the  types 
may  be  noticed,  as  follows  :  The  singular  form  of 
carving,  representing  a  figure  with  the  tongue  hang 
ing  out,  and  usually  communicating  with  a  frog, 
otter,  bird,  snake,  or  fish,  observed  on  the  north-west 
coast  from  Oregon  to  Prince  William  sound  and  also 
in  Mexico  and  Nicaragua.  We  may  add  that  this 
feature  is  found  in  numerous  instances  in  statues  and 
bas-reliefs  from  Mexico  to  the  Isthmus,  also  in  the 
codices  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  but  seldom  if 
ever  appears  in  the  antiquities  of  the  Atlantic  division. 

The  prominent  Tlaloc  nose  of  Mexican  and  Central 
American  figures,  of  which  the  supposed  elephant 
proboscis  is  but  one  form  and  the  bird  bill  (thun 
der  bird)  of  the  north-west  coast  another,  both  of 
which  are  but  different  methods  of  representing  the 
same  idea,  is  a  characteristic  of  the  Pacific  side. 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  19 

The  method  of  superimposing,  in  totem  posts  and 
statues,  one  figure  upon  another,  usually  combining 
human  and  animal,  is  found,  except  in  California, 
from  Alaska  to  the  isthmus,  and  is  a  true  Pacific 
type,  being  almost  unknown  in  the  Atlantic  division. 

The  angular  designs  on  the  pottery  and  basketry 
are  another  marked  feature  of  the  west  coast  division. 
And  thus  we  might,  if  this  were  the  proper  place  to 
enter  into  details,  go  on  enumerating  marked  distinc 
tions  between  these  two  primary  ethnological  sections. 
As  evidence  of  the  fact  stated,  let  any  one  compare 
the  figures  in  Ensign  Albert  P.  Niblack's  excellent 
work  on  "The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska  and 
Northern  British  Columbia,"  with  the  Mexican  and 
Central  American  monuments  and  figures,  and  then 
compare  them  with  the  types  of  the  Atlantic  slope. 
While  the  first  comparison  shows  such  a  marked  re 
semblance  as  to  lead  to  the  inference  that  they  were 
derived  from  some  common  source,  or  the  result  of 
some  common  influence,  the  second  comparison  shows 
no  such  similarity.  The  spread  of  types  of  custom 
and  art  were  governed  in  part  by  several  influences, 
as  ethnic  lines,  migrations,  contact  and  physical  con 
ditions.  Where  we  find  those  of  a  character  which  do 
not  depend  upon  physical  conditions,  but  upon  super 
stitious  notions,  following  a  given  line  without  spread 
ing  out  indefinitely,  we  may  assume,  until  satisfactory 
evidence  of  another  cause  is  given,  that  they  mark  a 
line  of  migration  and  are  largely  ethnic.  It  is  in 
this  light  w^e  are  inclined  to  view  the  coast-line  ex 
tension  of  the  types  peculiar  to  the  Pacific  slope. 

Dr.  Brinton  ("American  Race"),  notwithstanding 
his  view  in  regard  to  the  origin  and  homogeneity  of 


20  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  American  race,  arranges  his  linguistic  groups 
geographically  by  the  same  dividing  lines  as  those  we 
here  indicate  as  separating  the  primary  archaeological 
divisions.  His  "North  Atlantic  Group,"  omitting  the 
Eskimos,  corresponds  with  our  Atlantic  division,  and 
his  "North  Pacific"  and  "Central"  groups  combined 
with  our  Pacific  division.  This  arrangement,  as  he 
admits,  is  not  one  of  convenience  only,  as  he  attaches 
certain  ethnographic  importance  to  it.  "There  is," 
he  continues,  "a  distinct  resemblance  between  the  two 
Atlantic  groups,  and  an  equally  distinct  contrast  be 
tween  them  and  the  Pacific  groups,  extending  to  tem 
perament,  culture  and  physical  traits.  Each  of  the 
groups  has  mingled  extensively  within  its  own  limits 
and  but  slightly  outside  of  them."  Elsewhere  he 
remarks  that  "a  few  of  the  eastern  stocks,  the  Atha 
pascan  and  the  Shoshonian,  have  sent  out  colonies 
who  have  settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Pacific  ;  but  as 
a  rule  the  tribes  of  the  western  coast  are  not  connected 
with  any  east  of  the  mountains.  What  is  more  singu 
lar,  though  they  differ  surprisingly  among  themselves 
in  language,  they  have  marked  anthropological  sim 
ilarities,  physical  and  psychical.  Virchow  has  em 
phasized  the  fact  that  the  skulls  from  the  northern 
point  of  Vancouver  Island  reveal  an  unmistakable 
analogy  to  those  of  southern  California.  .  .  .  There 
are  many  other  physical  similarities  which  mark  the 
Pacific  Indians  and  contrast  them  with  those  east  of 
the  mountains."  In  his  "Races  and  Peoples"  this 
division  between  the  eastern  and  western  slopes  is  ex 
pressed  still  more  pointedly  :  "All  the  higher  civiliza 
tions  are  contained  in  the'  Pacific  group,  the  Mexican 
really  belonging  to  it  by  derivation  and  original  loca- 


Materials  for  Study — Classification.  21 

tion.  Between  the  members  of  the  Pacific  and  At 
lantic  groups  there  was  very  little  communication  at 
any  period,  the  high  sierras  walling  them  apart." 

As  the  arctic  section,  especially  those  portions  oc 
cupied  by  the  Eskimo  stock,  present  marked  pecu 
liarities,  .the  whole  of  North  America  may  be  con 
sidered  in  three  divisions  which  may,  for  convenience, 
be  termed : 

I.  The  Arctic  Division. 
II.  The  Atlantic  Division. 

III.  The  Pacific  Division. 


22  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER   III. 

METHODS    OF    STUDY. 

Although  the  method  of  studying  American  archae 
ology  has  been  touched  upon  to  some  extent  in  the 
preceding  chapters,  it  may  be  well  to  add  something 
more  on  this  subject  before  entering  upon  a  discussion 
of  the  antiquities  of  the  divisions  outlined  above. 

Most  of  the  writers  dealing  generally  with  this  sub 
ject  begin  their  works  with  the  primitive,  or  supposed 
primitive  inhabitants — paleolithic  men,  men  of  the 
mastodon  age,  cave  men,  etc.  It  is  probably  the  cor 
rect  and  scientific  method  in  an  extended  treatise  on 
American  archaeology  to  begin  with  the  earliest  traces 
of  man  on  the  continent,  thence  following  him  down 
the  ages,  marking  his  advance  in  culture,  but  it  is 
very  questionable  whether  this  is  the  best  method  of 
studying  North  American  archaeology.  It  is  the  be 
lief  of  the  author  of  this  work  that  the  most  satis 
factory  plan  is  to  begin  with  the  known  and  work 
back  toward  the  unknown  ;  to  begin  with  the  aborig 
ines  and  monuments  and  trace  them  back  step  by  step 
into  the  past. 

The  evidence  so  far  ascertained  leads  to  the  con 
clusion  that,  as  a  general  rule,  the  monuments  of  the 
various  sections  are  attributable  as  a  whole,  or  in  part, 
to  the  ancestors  of  the  people  found  inhabiting  those 
sections  at  the  incoming  of  the  whites.  This  has  been 
found  true  in  regard  to  Mexico  and  Central  America, 


Methods  of  Study.  23 

and  is  now  generally  accepted  as  true  in  regard  to  the 
regions  of  the  Mound-builders  and  Cliff-dwellers.  It 
is  therefore  advisable  to  proceed  upon  this  supposition 
in  regard  to  other  sections  until  evidence  incompatible 
with  this  conclusion  has  been  brought  to  light.  Pre 
historic  migrations,  of  which  frequent  mention  will 
be  made  herein,  have  undoubtedly  taken  place, >  for, 
without  this,  population  could  not  have  spread  over 
the  continent,  but  this  was  a  slow  process  which  re 
quired  ages  for  its  accomplishment.  Moreover,  as 
numbers  increased  and  cultivation  of  the  soil  began, 
the  tribes  necessarily  became  more  and  more  sedentary 
in  habits.  This  had  progressed  to  that  extent  when 
Europeans  made  their  appearance  that  most  of  the 
groups  had  long  been  permanent  residents  of  the  sec 
tions  they  were  found  inhabiting  ;  in  fact,  as  will  here 
after  be  seen,  there  are  good  reasons  for  believing 
that  most  of  the  larger  stocks  had  developed  into 
tribes  substantially  in  the  respective  regions  they  were 
found  occupying.  As  this  development  must  have 
required  a  long  time,  the  presumption  is  justified,  ex 
cept  where  shown  by  the  evidence  furnished  by  the 
monuments  or  language  to  be  incorrect,  that  these 
remains  are  attributable  in  a  general  sense  to  the  an 
cestors  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  respective  sections. 
That  there  was  still  more  or  less  shifting  of  tribes  and 
to  some  extent  of  stocks  through  the  fortunes  of  war 
and  here  and  there  the  breaking  away  of  one  or  more 
tribes  from  the  parent  hive,  is  no  doubt  true,  but  that 
there  was  a  greater  degree  of  permanency  than  has 
generally  been  supposed,  is  also  true,  a  fact  which  is 
becoming  more  and  more  evident  through  the  investi 
gations  of  late  years.  Therefore  the  natives  as  well 


24  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

as  the  monuments  must  be  studied,  and  the  language, 
physical  traits,  customs,  traditions,  mythology  and 
folk-lore  of  the  natives  are  important  factors  which 
the  student  must  bring  to  his  aid. 

Another  fact  which  should  be  borne  in  mind  by  the 
student  is  the  danger  of  basing  conclusions  on  ab 
normal  objects,  or  on  one  or  two  unusual  types.  Take 
for  example  the  supposed  elephant  mound  of  Wiscon 
sin  which  has  played  such  an  important  role  in  most 
of  the  works  relating  to  the  mound-builders  of  the 
Mississippi  valley,  but  is  now  generally  conceded  to 
be  the  effigy  of  a  bear,  the  snout,  the  elephantine 
feature,  resulting  from  drifting  sand.  Stones  bearing 
inscriptions  in  Hebrew  or  other  Old  World  characters 
have  at  last  been  banished  from  the  list  of  prehistoric 
relics.  It  is  wise  therefore  to  refrain  from  basing 
theories  on  one  or  two  specimens  of  an  unusual  or 
abnormal  type,  unless  their  claim  to  a  place  among 
genuine  prehistoric  relics  can  be  established  beyond 
dispute. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  many  of  the  important  arti 
cles  found  in  the  best  museums  of  our  country  are 
without  a  history  that  will  justify  their  acceptance, 
without  doubt,  as  genuine  antiquities.  It  is  safe 
therefore  to  base  important  conclusions  only  on  monu 
ments  in  reference  to  which  there  is  no  doubt,  and  on 
articles  whose  history,  as  regards  the  finding,  is  fully 
known,  except  where  the  type  is  well  established  from 
genuine  antiquities.  One  of  the  best  recent  works  on 
ancient  America  is  marred  to  some  extent  by  want  of 
this  precaution.  Mounds  and  ancient  works  are  de 
scribed  and  figured  which  do  not  and  never  did  exist ; 


Methods  of  Study.  25 

and  articles  are  represented  which  are  modern  pro 
ductions. 

The  method  of  study  to  be  pursued  depends  very 
largely  upon  the  extent  to  which  it  is  to  be  carried 
and  the  lines  to  be  followed.  For  the  general  reader 
and  the  individual  who  desires  to  obtain  only  a  gen 
eral  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  for  the  student 
who  studies  the  subject  merely  as  a  collateral  branch, 
the  writer  trusts  that  this  work  will  suffice.  But  for 
him  who  wishes  to  enter  more  into  details,  it  can  only 
be  what  it  purports  to  be,  an  introduction  to  the  study. 
For  the  latter  class,  a  general  knowledge  of  what  has 
been  accomplished  is  necessary  in  order  to  avoid  wast 
ing  time  and  energy  in  going  over  beaten  paths. 

The  student  devoting  attention  to  local  archaeology, 
that  is,  to  the  monuments  and  remains  of  a  particular 
district,  will,  of  course,  acquaint  himself  first  with  the 
investigations  which  have  been  previously  made  in 
that  district.  However,  this  does  not  end  with  merely 
ascertaining  what  monuments  have  been  discovered 
and  located,  which  of  them  have  been  explored  and 
what  relics  and  remains  have  been  obtained,  but  in 
cludes  a  careful  study  of  the  types  and  their  relation 
to  the  types  of  the  immediately  surrounding  regions, 
as  archaeology,  as  a  science,  if  it  can  be  so  called,  is 
based  largely  on  analogy.  In  this  way  he  determines 
what  are  the  prevailing  types  of  the  district  and  what 
are  peculiar  to  it  if  there  be  any  ;  but  this  investiga 
tion  in  reference  to  a  limited  district  or  to  particular 
classes  of  antiquities  must  descend  to  more  minute 
details  than  will  be  necessary  in  making  a  general 
survey  of  the  antiquities  of  a  more  extended  area. 
It  may,  perhaps,  be  truly  said  that  we  are  just  en- 


26  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tering  upon  this  stage  of  archaeologic  progress,  and 
yet  upon  the  result  of  such  investigations  must  de 
pend  the  answers  to  some  of  the  important  problems 
relating  to  the  prehistoric  times  of  the  various  sections 
of  our  continent.  Among  the  most  abundant  and 
generally  distributed  classes  of  prehistoric  artefacts 
are  arrow-  and  spear-points  ;  and  though  the  varieties 
seemingly  .baffle  attempts  at  classification,  it  will 
probably  be  possible  to  determine  all  the  types  of  a 
limited  district  and  thus  obtain  one  means  of  com 
parison  with  the  archaeology  of  surrounding  areas. 
Celts  will  afford  another  means  of  comparison,  and 
so  on  through  the  entire  list  both  of  monuments  and 
relics. 

However,  in  order  to  study  the  monuments  properly 
and  their  bearing  on  the  questions  relating  to  the  pre 
historic  times  of  the  given  locality,  mapping  is  an  im 
portant  step.  A  local  worker  should  have  a  map  of 
his  district  with  the  localities  of  the  antiquities  marked 
thereon  with  symbols  indicating  the  types.  Maps 
and  diagrams  of  the  groups  of  works  are  of  course 
necessary  to  intelligent  study.  In  other  words,  the 
geographical  relations  of  ancient  works  in  a  district 
as  well  as  the  relations  of  the  individual  works  to 
each  other  in  the  groups  are  important.  Although 
the  mounds  in  the  groups  of  the  mound  area  of  the 
United  States  appear  to  be  usually  placed  without  re 
spect  to  order  or  plan,  yet  in  the  southern  states  they 
are  so  arranged  in  many  of  the  groups  as  to  leave  a 
central,  open  space  or  plaza,  w^hile  in  Wisconsin  the 
arrangement  in  lines  is  an  archaeological  character 
istic  of  the  region.  The  geographical  distribution  of 
types  forms  the  chief  aid  in  outlining  culture  areas. 


Methods  of  Study.  27 

It  is  important  in  studying  the  types  of  the  monu 
ments  and  of  the  artefacts  to  determine  the  essential 
features  of  each  type.  It  is  often  true,  especially  in 
the  case  of  imitative  objects,  that  the  type  is  con 
ventionalized  to  such  an  extent  as  to  lose  apparently 
every  feature  of  the  object  of  which  it  was  intended 
to  be  a  representative  ;  yet  the  careful  student,  by 
tracing  the  variations  and  eliminations,  will  usually 
be  able  to  determine  the  essential  features  and  reach 
a  correct  conclusion.  Without  this  study  unessential 
characteristics  may  be  given  an  undue  prominence. 
There  appears  to  have  been  a  strong  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  aboriginal  artists  to  introduce  the  eye  and 
other  face  features  into  the  Central  American  hiero 
glyphics,  yet  in  many  of  these  they  are  non-essentials, 
being  simply  ornamental ;  and  the  same  thing  is  true 
in  regard  to  many  other  antiquities.  Nevertheless, 
these  unessential  features  as  to  the  type  are  important 
in  comparisons,  as  they  assist  in  ascertaining  affinities 
and  derivation  where  the  type  is  widely  distributed. 
The  olla  or  globular  bowl  has  been  and  is  yet  a  com 
mon  type  of  pottery  vessel  among  the  Pueblo  Indians 
of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  yet  the  Indians  can,  in 
most  cases,  readily  decide  from  what  Pueblo  a  par 
ticular  vessel  came  by  the  ornamentation  or  other 
features  unessential  to  the  type. 

The  student  investigating  the  archaeology  of  a  given 
district  should,  as  above  indicated,  make  himself  ac 
quainted,  so  far  as  the  data  will  permit,  with  the  his 
tory,  customs,  beliefs,  traditions,  etc.,  of  the  tribes 
which  have  inhabited  that  district.  Of  course  it  does 
not  necessarily  follow  because  it  is  known  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  people  found  inhabiting  a  certain  ex- 


28  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tensive  section,  as  Central  America,  Mexico,  the 
Pueblo  region  or  the  mound  area,  were  the  authors  of 
a  large  portion  of  the  monuments  of  that  section,  that 
the  ancestors  of  the  people  found  in  more  restricted 
localities  were  the  authors  of  the  monuments  of  those 
particular  localities.  There  are  unquestionably  some 
monuments  in  southern  Arizona  and  northern  Mex 
ico  which  can  not  be  attributed  to  the  ancestors  of  the 
tribes  inhabiting  or  known  to  have  inhabited  the  par 
ticular  localities  where  these  ruins  are  found.  The 
same  thing  is  true  also  of  certain  ancient  works  in 
the  mound  section  of  the  United  States.  Although 
the  works  as  a  whole  are  attributable  to  the  ancestors 
of  the  Indians  of  the  section,  some  tribes  who  w^ere 
mound  builders  may  have  become  extinct  through 
wars  or  epidemics,  others  may  have  been  forced  to 
shift  position,  and  still  other  tribes  may  never  have 
adopted  the  custom  of  building  mounds,  yet  the  propo 
sition  in  its  general  application  remains  true.  One 
object,  therefore,  of  the  local  worker  should  be  to  de 
termine,  if  possible,  what  tribes  or  people  were  the 
authors  of  the  works  of  the  district  he  is  studying, 
whether  those  known  to  have  inhabited  the  district, 
or  others  removed  in  prehistoric  times.  The  first 
step  in  this  investigation  is  to  learn  the  customs,  arts, 
etc.,  of  the  people  who  formerly  inhabited  that  dis 
trict,  as  he  may  thus  be  enabled  to  determine  the 
probability  that  they  were  the  authors,  or  to  eliminate 
them  from  the  investigation.  The  a  priori  presump 
tion  is  that  the  local  natives  were  the  builders.  Every 
elimination  of  a  factor  from  the  discussion  of  a  prob 
lem  is  one  step  toward  the  true  solution. 

In  the  study  of  types  the  method  must,  of  necessity, 


Methods  of  Study.  29 

be  very  largely  geographical  with  reference  to  vari 
eties,  if  the  object  in  view  be  to  ascertain  the  distri 
bution  of  the  different  varieties.  If  the  object  be 
simply  to  trace  the  development  of  the  type,  the  geo 
graphical  distribution  is  of  less  importance.  Mr.  A. 
E.  Douglass,  of  New  York,  who  has  a  large  private 
collection,  suggests  in  regard  to  museum  collections  a 
double  arrangement  for  these  purposes :  First,  an 
arrangement  of  specimens  according  to  geographical 
distribution  ;  and  second  by  varieties.  As  the  study 
of  types  necessitates  the  examination  of  specimens, 
this  plan,  where  practical,  would  undoubtedly  be  ad 
vantageous.  One  difficulty  in  these  lines,  which  has 
not  yet  been  overcome,  is  the  want  of  a  uniform  and 
acceptable  nomenclature ;  but  nomenclature  seems 
impossible  without  classification,  which  has  not  been 
accomplished  except  in  regard  to  limited  districts. 
This  is  a  desideratum  to  which  the  attention  of  cura 
tors  of  museums  is  now  being  directed,  and  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  in  the  way, 
that  they  will  find  some  means  of  classifying  collec 
tions  sufficiently  to  form  a  basis  for  names  of  types. 

In  studying  the  monuments  it  will  be  found,  as  yet, 
advantageous  to  limit  attempts  at  grouping  or  classi- 
ficatory  arrangements  to  districts  or  sections.  Com 
parison  can  then  be  made  with  the  works  of  other 
sections  or  districts,  group  with  group,  or  class  with 
class.  By  this  type  generalization  or  aggregation  the 
contrasts  or  similarities  are  not  only  more  apparent 
than  by  single  comparisons,  but  are  of  much  more  im 
portance.  By  such  comparison  of  the  works  of  the 
mound-builders  with  those  of  the  Pueblo  region  or 
Central  America,  the  contrast  is,  so  to  speak,  intensi- 


30  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

fied.  Within  the  section  or  district  some  grouping, 
even  though  it  be  arbitrary,  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
progress,  and  without  it  discussion  is  impossible  and 
general  description  of  little  value.  In  other  words, 
the  student  can  make  but  little  progress  in  archaeology 
until  he  advances  to  what  may  be  termed  the  generic 
stage.  Mr.  Holmes  has  adopted  a  most  excellent 
method,  both  in  his  studies  of  the  monuments  and  of 
the  minor  vestiges  of  art.  He  learns  by  a  comparison 
of  specimens  or  of  individual  monuments  the  essen 
tial  characteristics  of  the  different  types  under  inves 
tigation  ;  then  by  means  of  outline  figures  or  sketches 
brings  the  types  pertaining  to  the  same  general  class 
in  their  simplest  form  into  comparison.  See,  for  ex 
ample,  his  comparison  of  types  of  pottery  vessels  of  a 
certain  class  shown  in  our  Fig.  37,  and  his  comparison 
of  temple  plans  in  our  Fig.  96.  Although  the  idea  is 
not  new,  his  application  of  it  to  the  antiquities  of 
North  America  which  he  has  examined  is  clear,  and 
serves  to  illustrate  a  plan  which  may  well  be  fol 
lowed. 

Study  may  be  in  the  field,  in  the  museum  or  in  the 
books.  In  the  first  case  there  are  numerous  practical 
questions  which  can  be  answered  only  by  experience  ; 
the  student  must  therefore  learn  by  practice  or  by  ref 
erence  to  the  experienced  field  worker.  The  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology  receives  many  letters  inquiring 
as  to  the  best  method  of  exploring  (opening)  and  in 
vestigating  mounds,  etc.  Although  the  general  direc 
tion,  to  note  every  thing  so  carefully  as  the  exploration 
proceeds  that  a  complete  restoration  in  every  particu 
lar  could  be  made  from  these  notes,  would  perhaps 


Methods  of  Study.  31 

answer  the  inquiry,  the  following  suggestions  are 
added  for  the  benefit  of  the  young  beginner  : 

If  the  mound  to  be  explored  be  one  of  a  group,  the 
first  step  is  to  make  a  full  and  complete  description  of 
the  group,  with  diagram  as  heretofore  suggested, 
noting  carefully  the  topography  of  the  area  covered 
by  the  group,  and  of  the  immediately  surrounding 
country.  The  plan  should  show  the  correct  positions 
of  the  mounds,  and  their  form  and  size  (diameter  and 
height)  should  be  noted.  In  addition  to  the  measure 
ment  of  the  mound  to  be  explored,  a  horizontal  sec 
tion  showing  an  outline  of  the  base  as  seen  from  the 
summit,  and  a  vertical  section  showing  the  contour  of 
the  longest  diameter,  should  be  drawn  on  paper,  and 
of  sufficient  size  to  note  spaces  thereon,  of  a  foot 
measured  on  the  ground.  The  north  and  south  points 
should  be  indicated  on  the  horizontal  section.  These 
plans  are  for  the  purpose  of  inserting  marks  indicat 
ing  the  positions,  horizontally  and  vertically,  of  the 
articles  found  as  the  exploration  proceeds.  These, 
with  the  notes  naming  the  articles  by  corresponding 
numbers  and  giving  the  measurement  as  to  depth  and 
side,  will  be  sufficient  to  locate  the  article  in  the 
mound,  should  its  exact  position  ever  become  a  ques 
tion  of  any  importance.  Such  a  question  occasionally 
becomes  important  when  the  article  is  found  to  indi 
cate  contact  with  Europeans,  or  is  abnormal. 

In  order  to  note  the  stratification  it  is  best  to  dig  a 
trench  from  side  to  side  through  the  highest  point,  or 
center,  and  where  the  mound  is  of  considerable  size  it 
will  be  well  to  run  another  at  right  angles  to  this. 
These  should  commence  and  end  at  the  extreme  outer 
margins  of  the  mound  and  be  carried  down  to  the 


32  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

natural  soil  or  subsoil  as  the  case  may  be.  When  a 
skeleton  or  relic  is  found  it  should  not  be  removed 
until  it  is  well  exposed  and  its  character  and  position 
noted  down.  If  a  vault,  tomb,  wall  or  any  thing  of 
large  size  is  encountered,  the  trench  should  be  carried 
around  this  until  it  is  fully  exposed  before  being  dis 
turbed.  When  the  trenches  are  completed,  the  re 
maining  portions  of  the  mound  can  be  removed,  the 
same  care  being  taken.  Where  the  mound  is  of  large 
size,  sinking  shafts  and  tunneling  may  have  to  be  re 
sorted  to.  Care  must  be  taken  to  mark  all  articles 
found,  with  numbers  corresponding  with  those  in  the 
notes  and  on  the  sections.  Of  course  the  character 
and  thickness  of  the  strata  and  every  other  particular 
deemed  worthy  of  remembrance  should  be  noted 
down.  Photography  will  of  course  be  advantageous 
where  clear  and  distinct  pictures  can  be  obtained,  but 
will  not  supply  the  place  of  sketches.  As  it  would  re 
quire  too  much  space  to  notice  all  the  variations  from 
these  suggestions  and  add  additional  ones  necessary  to 
meet  the  numerous  peculiarities  the  explorer  may  en 
counter,  we  can  only  repeat  what  is  stated  above  : 
Note  every  particular  with  such  care  that  it  will  be 
possible  from  the  description  to  completely  restore  the 
mound  in  every  particular. 

As  the  author  is  familiar  by  personal  investigation 
with  the  antiquities  of  the  mound  region  alone,  his 
suggestions  in  regard  to  those  of  other  sections  must 
be  drawn  from  the  works  of  other  explorers.  Profit 
able  suggestions  in  reference  to  the  method  of  study 
ing  the  ruins  of  Central  America  and  Mexico  may  be 
drawn  from  Mr.  Holmes'  account  of  the  celebrated 
Palenque  group  given  in  his  "Archaeological  Studies 


Methods  of  Study.  33 

among  the  Ancient  Cities  of  Mexico."  He  starts  out 
by  giving  a  sketch  map  of  the  locality.  Then  follow 
in  order  a  "Panoramic  View"  of  the  group;  the 
"Orientation  and  Assemblage,"  which  results  in  show 
ing  that  the  placement  of  the  buildings  would  seem 
to  be  due  to  the  natural  features  of  the  ground  rather 
than  to  a  regard  for  the  points  of  the  compass  ;  "Ma 
terials  and  Masonry";  "Construction";  "Substruc 
tures,"  or  pyramidal  basements;  "Superstructures," 
or  buildings  ;  under  the  latter  he  outlines  the  ground 
plans  of  the  types,  following  with  the  profiles  of  con 
struction  or  elevation  accompanied  by  outlines  of  ver 
tical  sections,  illustrating  the  mode  of  construction. 
This  is  followed  with  descriptions  of  the  roofing,  of 
the  types  of  doorways,  of  pillars,  stairways  and  other 
essential  features  of  the  buildings,  the  ornamentation 
being  considered  last. 

In  his  description  of  Monte  Alban  and  Mitla,  in 
addition  to  the  description  of  the  ruins  and  mode  of 
construction,  he  goes  back  to  the  quarry  in  order  to 
study  the  method  of  preparing  the  material  from  the 
initial  stroke  until  the  blocks  of  stone  are  ready  for 
removal  to  the  building  site,  and  to  learn  what  man 
ner  of  tools  were  employed  and  how  used.  This 
might  be  followed  up  from  the  work  of  others,  as 
that  of  explorers  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Eth 
nology  and  of  the  Hemenway  Expedition  among  the 
ruins  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  but  what  has  been 
mentioned  will  suffice  to  indicate  the  method  these 
field  workers  have  followed.  3t  is  something  of  an 
art  to  grasp  readily  the  chief  idea  or  plan  of  a  group 
of  ruins.  When  this  is  caught,  the  lines  and  parts 
3 


34  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

are  usually  easily  traced,  though  hidden   from  view 
until  uncovered. 

The  study  in  the  museum,  that  is  of  articles  in  col 
lections,  has  been  alluded  to  incidentally.  The  study 
of  the  literature,  where  not  in  aid  of  the  study  of  the 
monuments  and  remains,  is  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of 
investigating  certain  problems.  In  this  case  the  scope 
of  inquiry  is  widened  and  the  data  furnished  by  the 
monuments  and  remains  constitute  but  one  of  the 
factors  ;  language,  physical  traits,  customs,  traditions, 
mythology  and  folk-lore  must  all  be  brought  into  the 
investigation.  This  involves  also  an  examination  of 
the  early  histories,  the  accounts  of  navigators  and  ex 
plorers  and  of  more  recent  discussions  on  the  same 
topics.  The  student  must  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that 
archaeology  is  based  on  particulars,  on  innumerable 
fragments,  and  that  conclusions  and  theories  to  be 
correct,  must,  so  to  speak,  be  the  figures  formed  when 
the  fragments  are  rightly  placed.  This  brief  and  far 
from  complete  outline  of  the  method  of  study  will, 
with  the  present  work,  furnish  some  aid  to  the  student 
who  wishes  to  devote  attention  to  North  American 
archaeology,  but  the  critical  investigator  is  expected 
to  open  up  new  lines  and  bring  to  bear  new  argu 
ments  on  the  questions  which  arise. 


Arctic  Division.  35 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ARCTIC     DIVISION. 

As  the  archaeological  data  of  this  division  are  few, 
and  their  direct  connection  with  the  Eskimo  and 
allied  tribes  is  not  questioned,  the  division  is  purely 
an  ethnological  one.  However  as  the  people  at  their 
entrance  into  the  domain  of  history  were  in  the  stone 
age,  the  implements,  utensils  and  other  artefacts  in 
use  among  them  afford  a  means  of  comparison  which 
can  not  wisely  be  overlooked  even  in  this  brief  sur 
vey.  Moreover  this  area  furnishes  the  best  field  on 
the  continent  for  the  study  of  the  culture  of  a  primi 
tive  people  as  indicated  by  their  arts.  Stone  and 
bone  implements  found  in  the  graves,  mounds  and 
refuse  heaps  of  other  sections  are  often  serious  puzzles 
to  the  archaeologist,  because  their  use  was  discon 
tinued  before  the  historical  era  and  is  not  easily  de 
termined.  But  in  the  Eskimo  area  few  have  been  dis 
covered  of  which  the  use  is  unknown,  almost  every 
form  having  been  continued  in  use  until  visited  by 
European  navigators.  The  knowledge  thus  obtained 
furnishes  a  key  by  which  many  an  archaeological 
riddle  may  be  solved. 

Monuments  or  Local  Antiquities. — These  consist  al 
most  wholly  of  shell  or  refuse  heaps,  the  remains  of 
old  iglus  or  Eskimo  houses  which  were  constructed 
in  part  of  stone,  and  an  occasional  pile  of  stones 
heaped  over  a  grave  to  protect  it  from  wild  beasts. 


36  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

No  true  mounds,  inclosures  or  fortifications  of  a  per 
manent  character,  have  been  discovered  in  the  entire 
area.  This  statement  will  also  probably  apply  to  a 
considerable  extent  of  country  lying  south  of  the 
northern  Eskimo  belt,  as  we  are  informed  by  Rev.  A. 
G.  Morice,  who  has  resided  for  many  years  among 
the  north-western  Athapascans  (or  Dene) ,  that 
"throughout  the  whole  extent  of  their  territory,  no 
mounds,  inclosures,  fortifications  of  a  permanent 
character,  or  any  earthen-works  suggesting  human 
agency  are  to  be  found." 

Numerous  shell-heaps  have  been  discovered  in  the 
Aleutian  Islands.  Such  of  these  as  have  been  exca 
vated  are  found  to  consist  of  two  or  three  distinct 
strata,  indicating,  it  is  supposed,  successive  periods  of 
occupancy.  Prof.  W.  H.  Dall  describes  the  typical 
form  as  consisting  of  the  following  layers  :  First,  or 
lowest  stratum,  composed  almost  exclusively  of  the 
broken  tests  or  spines  of  Echinus,  a  few  shells  of  dif 
ferent  species  of  edible  mollusks  being  intermixed  ; 
the  next  layer  above,  composed  chiefly  of  fish  bones 
and  shells,  w^ith  an  occasional  bird  bone  ;  above  this 
was  a  layer  characterized  by  numerous  mammalian 
bones,  of  marine  species,  intermixed  with  bones  of 
sea  birds  ;  this  was  covered  by  modern  deposits  and 
vegetable  mold. 

The  following  articles  found  in  this  refuse  heap  fur 
nish  some  indications,  Prof.  Dall  thinks,  of  the  ad 
vance  in  culture  during  the  time  it  was  being  formed, 
though  this  has  been  questioned.  In  the  lower  stratum 
a  small  hammer  stone  was  discovered  which  had  an 
indentation  on  each  side  for  the  finger  and  thumb, 
and  bruises  on  the  ends,  indicative  of  use,  probably 


Arctic  Division. 


37 


for  breaking  Echinus  tests.  In  the  second  were  rude 
net-sinkers,  stone  knives,  and  spear-heads  both  of 
stone  and  bone,  the  latter  distinctly  barbed  (Fig.  1) . 


Fig.  1.     Bone  Spear-head,  Eskimo. 

These  appeared  in  still  greater  abundance  and  varied 
forms  in  the  mammalian  stratum,  from  which  were 
also  obtained  stone,  bone,  and  horn  skin-dressers,  bone 
awls,  stone  adzes  and  lamps  ;  also  carved  articles, 
such  as  masks,  and  a  single  face-form  carved  on  bone. 
One  of  the  lamps  is  shown  in  Fig.  2.  Bone  and  stone 


Fig.  2.    Stone  lamp,  Eskimo. 

labrets  were  found  in  the  upper  layer  of  one  of  these 
shell-heaps  and  also  in  a  cave  deposit  of  corresponding 
age.  One  of  the  labrets  is  shown  in  Fig.  3,  Prof. 
Dall,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  foregoing  de 
scription  of  Aleutian  shell  heaps,  discovered  also  in 
the  same  region  the  marks  and  remains  of  ancient 
villages.  The  method  of  building  among  the  ancient 


38 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Fig.  3.     Labret,  Eskimo. 


inhabitants,  who  are  presumed  to  have  been  Aleuts, 
was  to  excavate  slightly,  build  a  wall  of  flat  stones 

or  of  the  bones  of 
the  larger  whales, 
and  bank  this  on 
the  outside  with 
turf  and  stones. 
The  roof  appears 
to  have  been  form- 
ed  usually  of 
whales'  ribs,  cov 
ered  with  wisps  of 
grass  tied  together 
and  laid  on  the  rafters,  then  turfed  over. 

The  remains  of  ancient  stone  houses  are  found  scat 
tered  over  the  greater  part  of  Arctic  America,  espe 
cially  the  eastern  portion,  even  in  sections  no  longer 
inhabited  by  Eskimo,  as  the  Parry  Archipelago  and 
the  northern  part  of  East  Greenland.  These  are  ap 
propriated  by  the  Eskimo  of  the  present  day  for  tem 
porary  dwellings  when  they  stop  in  the  region  where 
they  are  found.  A  figure  of  the  remaining  founda 
tion  of  one  of  these  ancient  structures  is  given  in 
Fig.  4,  from  Kumlien.  The  purpose  of  the  long 
kayak-like  building  figured  in  connection  with  the 
stone  house  is  not  known.  Dr.  Boas  says  he  found  a 
similar  one  twenty  feet  long,  scarcely  one  foot  high, 
consisting  of  two  rows  of  stones,  at  Pangnirtung,  Cum 
berland  Sound,  but  nobody  could  explain  its  use. 

The  remains  of  a  number  of  these  ancient  stone 
houses,  or  iglus,  have  been  found  in  the  American 
Archipelago  and  about  Cumberland  Sound.  Those  in 
good  condition  have  a  long  stone  entrance,  sometimes 


Arctic  Division.  39 

from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  long.  This  is  made  by 
cutting  an  excavation-  into  the  slope  of  a  hill.  Its 
walls  are  covered  with  large  slabs  of  stone,  about  two 


Fig.  4.     Remains  of  an  ancient  Eskimo  house. 

and  a  half  feet  high  and  three  feet  wide,  the  space 
between  the  stone  and  the  sides  of  the  excavation 
being  afterward  filled  with  the  earth.  The  floor  of 
the  passage  slopes  upward  toward  the  hut.  The  last 
four  feet  of  the  entrance  are  covered  with  a  very  large 
slab,  and  are  a  little  higher  than  the  other  parts  of  the 
roof  of  the  passageway.  The  slab  is  at  the  same 
height  as  the  benches  of  the  dwelling  room,  which  is 
also  dug  out,  the  walls  being  formed  of  stones  or 
whale  ribs.  These  houses  are  supposed  to  have  been 
covered  in  the  same  way  as  those  already  described. 

Dr.  Boas  states  that  he  has  found  at  Ukiadliving, 
among  other  remains,  some  very  remarkable  "store 
houses."  "These  structures,"  he  says,  "consist  of 
heavy  granite  pillars,  on  the  top  of  which  flat  slabs 
of  stone  are  piled  to  a  height  of  nine  or  ten  feet,  in 


40  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

winter,  blubber  and  meat  are  put  away  upon  these 
pillars,  which  are  sufficiently  high  to  keep  them  from 
the  dogs;  skin  boats  were  also  placed  on  them." 
This  was  doubtless  the  object  in  view  in  building 
these  rude  structures,  but  why  the  covering  should  be 
so  thick  and  heavy  is  not  apparent  if  this  were  the 
only  object. 

Implements,  Ornaments,  etc. 

As  all  the  monuments  and  minor  vestiges  of  art  of 
this  division  are  attributable,  as  already  stated,  to  the 
Eskimo,  the  earliest  forms  that  are  known  differing 
but  slightly  from  those  of  modern  times,  it  is  only 
necessary  here  to  notice  a  few  of  the  more  important 
types  for  the  purpose  of  comparison. 

As  agriculture  is  impracticable  in  the  rigorous  cli 
mate  of  the  Eskimo  region,  and  the  means  of  sub 
sistence  limited  to  animal  food,  the  variety  of  imple 
ments  is  not  large.  They  consist  chiefly  of  such  as 
are  used  in  killing  and  capturing  the  food  animals— 
of  which  the  larger  portion  are  marine  mammals ; 
the  implements  and  vessels  used  in  preparing  and 
cooking  food,  and  in  preparing  the  skins  for  the  va 
rious  uses  to  which  they  are  applied.  The  simplicity 
in  the  Eskimo  manner  of  life,  the  necessary  uni 
formity  in  their  method  of  procuring  subsistence,  and 
the  manner  of  clothing  themselves,  have  convention 
alized  to  a  great  extent  their  implements  and  arts. 
As  the  struggle  for  existence  has  been  a  difficult  one 
with  them,  and  the  clothes  and  dwellings  necessary 
to  protect  them  against  the  cold  are  ill  adapted  to  the 
use  of  ornaments,  the  variety  of  such  articles  is  quite 
limited. 


Arctic  Division,  41 

The  articles  of  stone  and  bone,  which  are  the  only 
ones  requiring  notice  here,  consist  chiefly  of  arrow, 
spear  and  harpoon  heads,  skin  scrapers,  ulus  or 
women's  knives,  adzes,  lamps,  cooking  pots  or  kettles, 
flakers  and  labrets. 

The  chipped  flint  heads  of  arrows  and  spears  are 
usually  well  made,  finely  finished  and  symmetrically 
formed,  differing  in  size  and  slightly  in  form  accord 
ing  to  the  particular  purpose  for  which  they  were  in 
tended.  Some  of  the  older  specimens  are  somewhat 
ruder,  but  would  undoubtedly  be  classed  as  neolithic. 

One  of  the  most  useful  and  necessary  implements 
belonging  to  an  Eskimo  household  was  the  Ulu  or 
Woman's  knife,  which,  with  them,  performed  all  that 
is  done  in  enlightened  communities  with  the  various 
cutting  implements  of  the  butcher-shop  and  the 
household  kitchen.  The  simplest  form  was  a  flake  of 
flint  with  a  cutting  edge,  but  with  the  Eskimo  they 
were  usually  made  in  a  particular  form,  and,  vrith  the 
handle,  resembled  the 
ordinary  kitchen  chop- 
ping-knife,  which,  in 
fact,  has  to  a  large  ex 
tent  replaced  the  stone 
implement.  The  blade 
was  of  horn  stone, 
chert,  or  flint  material 
and  slate,  especially  --~___^-- 

the    latter.       (Fig.    5.)    Fig>5-    uin?0r  woman's  knife,  Eskimo. 

Another  indispensable 

household  article  was  the  lamp,  which  furnished  both 
heat  and  light.  These  were  usually  of  soapstone, 
though  a  few  of  other  stone  have  been  discovered.  The 


42 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


form  of  this  vessel  was  not  so  strictly  conventionalized 
as  that  of  the  kettle  or  cooking  pot,  though  generally 
dish-shaped  and  shallow.  (Fig.  2.)  A  semicircular 
form  was  also  common,  the  length  varying  from  six 
inches  to  nearly  three  feet. 

Before  the  introduction   of    European  vessels    the 
cooking  was  usually  done  in  soapstone  pots  or  kettles 


Fig.  G.     Soapstone  pot,  Eskimo. 

by  placing  them  over  the  lamps  or  putting  heated 
stones  in  the  water.  They  were  comparatively  small, 
varying  in  capacity  from  a  pint  to  a  gallon,  rectangu 
lar  in  outline  with  the  sides  perpendicular  or  slightly 
flaring.  (Fig.  6.) 


Fig.  7.     Hafted  jade  adze,  Eskimo. 


Arctic  Division.  43 

Even  at  the  present  day,  according  to  Mr.  Murdoch, 
the  Eskimo  of  Point  Barrow  use  no  tool  for  shaping 
large  pieces  of  woodwork  except  a  short-handled  adze, 
hafted  in  the  same  manner  as  the  old  stone  tools 
which  were  employed  before  the  introduction  of  iron. 
(Fig.  7.)  The  skin  scraper  usually  consisted  of  a 
blunt  stone  blade  mounted  in  a  short  thick  haft  of 
wood  or  ivory,  fitting  ex 
actly  to  the  inside  of  the 
hand  and  having  holes 
or  depressions  to  receive 
the  fingers  and  thumb. 

fFia*    R  \  'Fig-  8-     Skin  scraper,  Eskimo. 

The  art  of  making  flint  arrow  and  spear  heads  has 
not  been  entirely  lost  by  the  Eskimo.  Flint  pebbles 
are  splintered  by  percussion  into  fragments  of  suitable 
size,  and  the  sharp-edged  spalls  are  flaked  into  shape 
with  an  implement  consisting  of  a  short  straight  rod 
of  flint  or  bone  mounted  in  a  short  curved  haft 
grooved  for  its  reception,  (Fig.  9.) 


CL 

Fig.  9.     Flint  flaker,  Eskimo. 

Culture-home  of  the  Eskimo. 

The  origin  of  the  Eskimo  or  Innuit  is  a  question 
which  has  been  much  discussed,  but  as  yet  remains 
undecided.  The  generally-accepted  theory  has  been 
that  they  migrated  from  north-eastern  Asia  by  way  of 
Behring  Strait.  Recently,  however,  several  writers, 
among  whom  are  two  or  three  who  have  made  a 


44  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

special  study  of  them,  have  reached  the  conclusion 
that  they  were  originally  an  inland  people  of  North 
America,  and  that  their  migrations  were  toward  the 
north  and  west.  This  conclusion  is  based  to  a  con 
siderable  extent  upon  the  evidence,  now  generally  ac 
cepted,  that  the  Asiatic  Eskimo  (the  Ymt) ,  dwelling 
around  East  Cape  and  to  the  south  of  it,  migrated  in 
late  prehistoric  times  from  America,  and  that  the 
Aleuts  inhabiting  the  islands  moved  in  the  same  di 
rection. 

As  any  opinion  which  may  be  advanced  on  this 
question  is  at  best  but  conjecture,  the  subject  does  not 
come  properly  within  the  scope  of  the  present  work. 
There  is,  however,  a  closely  cognate  problem  which 
offers  greater  probability  of  final  solution,  and  which 
is  of  importance  in  the  study  of  the  prehistoric  times 
of  our  continent.  As  well  stated  by  Dr.  Rink,  who 
has  made  this  arctic  people  well  nigh  a  life  study,  "In 
regard  to  the  cradle  of  the  Eskimo  race,  we  have 
before  all  to  discern  between  their  original  home  and 
the  country  in  which  they  developed  their  present 
culture,  which  is  characterized  by  their  capability  of 
procuring  means  of  subsistence  in  arctic  regions, 
where  no  other  nation  can  live."  He  then  points  out 
some  "necessary  conditions  for  guessing  the  site"  of 
this  culture-home. 

Alluding  to  the  vast  shore  line  which  was,  so  far  as 
known,  occupied  by  the.  Eskimo  as  its  only  inhabitants 
before  their  modern  contact  with  the  European  race, 
he  divides  them  into  Eastern  and  Western,  separated 
by  Cape  Bathurst.  He  assumes  as  a  basis,  which  is 
admitted  to  be  correct  by  those  who  differ  from  him, 
first,  that  only  one  such  culture-home  can  have  existed, 


Arctic  Division.  45 

and  second,  that  even  this  one  must  have  been  of 
relatively  small  extent.  The  extraordinary  uniformity 
of  the  utensils,  instruments  and  weapons  common  to 
all  the  widely-spread  tribes  or  groups,  and  the  com 
paratively  slight  variation  in  language,  is  suggestive 
of  a  common  origin.  He  then  shows  from  the  vocabu 
laries  of  the  different  sections  the  identity  of  the 
names  given  by  the  Eastern  and  Western  groups  to 
the  animals  used  as  food,  boats,  vessels,  implements, 
etc.,  giving  a  list  which  excludes  the  possibility  of 
accidental  likeness.  To  this  is  added  the  similarity 
in  form  and  use  of  the  vessels  and  implements  re 
ferred  to. 

The  direction  of  the  migration  is  assumed  from  the 
following  facts  : 

The  gradual  completion  of  the  kayak  with  its  im 
plements,  and  the  art  of  using  them.  The  gradual 
change  of  several  customs  in  proceeding  from  the 
south  and  west  to  the  north  and  east,  namely,  the 
use  of  labrets  or  lip  ornaments  ceasing  at  the  Mac- 
Kenzie  River,  the  use  of  masks  at  festivals  ceasing  in 
Baffin's  Land,  and  the  women's  hair  dressing  gradu 
ally  changing  between  Point  Barrow  and  Baffin's 
Bay,  and  the  change  in  the  houses  in  certain  par 
ticulars. 

These  indicate  that  the  movement  was  from  the  ex 
treme  west,  or  Alaska,  toward  the  east,  and  this  Dr. 
Rink  believes  is  the  true  solution  of  the  problem. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Murdoch  and  Dr.  Boas, 
who  have  personally  studied  the  race  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  continent,  believe  the  culture-home  was 
in  the  interior  about  the  south  end  of  Hudson's  Bay, 
whence  they  separated  into  three  principal  divisions, 


46  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

one  going  north-east,  another  north,  and  the  other 
north-west.  This  opinion  is  based  chiefly  on  the 
primitive  art  of  the  central  region,  the  form  of  the 
sinew  bow,  and  the  westward  movement  above  re 
ferred  to.  It  would  seem  difficult,  however,  to  ac 
count  upon  this  theory  for  the  adoption  of  the  kayak 
and  its  accompaniments,  and  the  application  of  the 
same  terms  throughout  the  extended  region  where 
they  are  found,  often  in  widely  separated  groups, 
between  which  intercourse  is  exceedingly  rare.  The 
settlement  of  this  question,  which  appears  possible 
with  the  accumulation  of  data,  is  important  to  the 
study  of  ethnology.  If  the  latter  theory  be  correct, 
it  will  have  a  material  bearing  on  the  theories  in  re 
gard  to  the  course  of  migration  of  the  Indian  popula 
tion  south  and  west  of  this  assumed  inland  culture- 
home,  for  it  is  not  probable  that  any  people  who  have 
acquired  their  habits  in  an  interior  area,  and  com 
paratively  moderate  climate,  would  leave  it,  except 
under  strong  pressure,  to  take  up  their  abode  in  such 
inhospitable  regions  as  they  now  occupy. 

All  the  implements  and  works  of  the  Eskimo  appear 
to  be  adapted  to  their  peculiar  conditions  and  their 
only  means  of  subsistence  and  preservation  of  life. 
They  are  very  largely  those  of  a  littoral  and  arctic 
people,  developed  through  the  necessity  of  procuring, 
to  a  large  extent,  subsistence  from  the  sea  and  defend 
ing  themselves  from  the  cold  without  material  derived 
from  the  forest.  Many  of  the  articles,  it  is  true,  are 
adapted  to  savage  life  in  any  section,  whether  in  the 
interior  or  on  the  coast,  whether  in  an  arctic  or 
temperate  climate,  but  on  the  other  hand  many  others 
are  suited  only  to  the  conditions  under  which  they 


Arctic  Division.  47 

live.  Hence  it  must  be  assumed,  unless  valid  reasons 
for  a  different  conclusion  are  shown,  that  those  pe 
culiarly  adapted  to  the  situation  were  developed  in 
the  area  where  they  are  found,  or  one  similar  in  its 
conditions. 

Mr.  Murdoch's  suggestion  that  the  use  of  labrets  is 
a  habit  which  has  worked  its  way  along  the  western 
coast  of  America  from  the  south  is  worthy  of  con 
sideration,  though  it  does  not  appear  to  strengthen 
his  theory,  but  tends  rather  to  support  the  opposite 
conclusion.  Nevertheless  it  is  not  without  support, 
and  opens  up  a  new  line  for  thought  and  investiga 
tion,  and  furnishes  an  additional  pointer  to  a  par 
ticular  region  of  the  western  coast  which  possibly 
may  have  played  an  important  part  in  the  peopling  of 
the  continent. 


48  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER   V. 

ATLANTIC    DIVISION. 

This  division  includes  geographically,  as  heretofore 
indicated,  all  that  part  of  North  America  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains  north  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  except  that  portion  embraced  in  the  Arctic 
division  and  except  also  the  area  occupied  by  the 
northern  Athapascan  or  Dene  tribes. 

At  the  time  Europeans  began  to  plant  colonies  in 
this  region  it  was  occupied  by  Indians  belonging 
chiefly  to  some  four  or  five  linguistic  stocks.  The 
northern  portion  from  Labrador  to  the  Rocky  Mount 
ains,  the  central  area  east  of  the  Mississippi  from  the 
lakes  south  to  Tennessee,  and  a  strip  along  the  At 
lantic  coast  from  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  Pamlico 
Sound,  was  occupied  by  the  great  Algonquian  stock. 
Gathered  about  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario,  both  north  and 
south,  stretching  dow^n  both  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
to  Quebec,  and  extending  over  New  York  and  most  of 
Eastern  Pennsylvania,  was  the  Iroquoian  family,  be 
longing  to  which  were  outlying  groups  along  the 
south-eastern  border  of  Virginia,  and  about  the  head 
waters  of  the  Tennessee  and  Savannah  rivers.  The 
Muskhogean  family  occupied  most  of  the  area  embraced 
in  the  southern  states  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Ex 
tending  westward  from  the  Mississippi  river — from  its 
headwaters  to  the  Arkansas — across  the  broad  plains 
of  the  west,  and  occupying  most  of  the  drainage  area 


Atlantic  Division.  49 

of  the  Missouri  and  Arkansas  rivers,  was  the  Siouan 
stock,  the  Bedouin  of  North  America.  Belonging  to 
this  group  were  some  scattered  fragments,  one  along 
the  piedmont  region  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas, 
and  one  of  small  size  on  the  southern  coast  of  Missis 
sippi  and  another  in  Arkansas.  Besides  these  there 
were  the  Caddoan  stock,  chiefly  in  western  Louisiana 
and  eastern  Texas  ;  the  Timuquanan  occupying  the 
Florida  peninsula,  and  some,  few  in  numbers,  covering 
small  areas  chiefly  about  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  archaeological  conditions  we  encounter  in  this 

O 

area  are  so  widely  distinct  from  those  of  the  Arctic 
division  as  to  require  but  little  thought  or  study  to 
mark  the  differences.  It  is  true  we  find  here  flint 
arrow-  and  lance-heads  in  abundance,  some  of  them 
bearing  a  close  resemblance  to  and  scarcely  distin 
guishable  from  those  of  the  Eskimo.  Chipped  stones 
of  a  certain  form,  which  are  supposed  to  be  skin- 
scrapers  or  skinning  implements,  are  also  found  in 
great  numbers,  and  though  many  of  them  may  be 
compared  with  the  flint  points  of  the  Eskimo  scrapers, 
yet  the  manner  in  which  they  were  hafted,  or  whether 
hafted  at  all,  is  in  most  instances  only  a  surmise.  It 
is  noticeable  that  of  the  fifty-six  American  scrapers 
figured  in  Prof.  0.  T.  Mason's  "Aboriginal  Skin 
Dressing"  (Kept.  Nat.  Museum,  1888-9),  all  except 
five  are  Eskimo,  and  the  five  are  adze  shaped  and 
have  iron  or  steel  points.  The  elbow-shaped  handle 
may  be  a  survival  from  the  stone  age,  nevertheless  it 
is  possible  that  the  advent  of  iron  may  have  worked 
some  change  in  form.  Local  monuments,  as  we  have 
seen,  except,  refuse  heaps,  foundations  of  old  iglus 


50  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  some  ancient  graves,  are  unknown  to  the  arctic 
section.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  area  we  are  now  en 
tering  upon,  the  Mississippi  valley,  from  the  head 
waters  in  Minnesota  to  the  Red  River  of  Louisiana, 
and  from  the  sources  of  the  Ohio  to  the  border  of 
the  western  plains,  is  dotted  over  with  earthen  mounds, 
clustered  into  groups  or  scattered  singly ;  here  and 
there  hills  and  bluffs  are  crowned  with  defensive 
works,  indicating  tribal  warfare  ;  throughout  southern 
Illinois,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  the  rude  stone  sep- 
ulchers  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  are  found  in  great 
numbers  ;  and  other  evidences  of  prehistoric  occupancy 
abound.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  difference 
archaeologically  between  the  two  divisions  is  a  wide 
one. 

Monuments,  or  local  antiquities. 

The  antiquities  of  this  class  found  in  this  division 
consist  chiefly  of  earthworks,  stoneworks,  graves,  cave 
deposits  and  mines  and  quarries,  and  might  be  classed 
under  these  heads  but  for  the  fact  that  some  belong 
partly  to  one  class  and  partly  to  another  ;  then  there 
are  certain  other  local  antiquities  which  can  not  pos 
sibly  be  classed  under  either  of  these  headings.  If  it 
were  possible  to  decide  positively  as  to  the  use  of  each 
type,  this  would  afford  one  means  of  classification, 
but  unfortunately  here  our  knowledge  is  sadly  at 
fault.  However,  as  some  arrangement  for  the  con 
venience  of  reference  is  necessary,  they  will  be 
grouped  here  by  leading  types  under  the  following 
heads  :  Mounds,  Refuse  Heaps,  Inclosures,  Hut-rings, 
Excavations,  Graves  and  Cemeteries,  Garden  Beds, 
Hearths  or  Camp  Sites,  and  Ancient  Trails.  Besides 


Atlantic  Division.  51 

these  there  are  Mines  and  Quarries,  Cave  Deposits 
and  Petroglyphs.  That  the  particular  sense  in  which 
some  of  these  terms  are  used  in  this  work  may  be 
clearly  understood,  the  following  explanation  is  given  : 

Mounds. 

The  tumuli  or  true  mounds,  to  which  the  term  will 
be  limited  in  this  work,  are  the  most  common  and 
most  numerous  of  the  fixed  antiquities,  being  found 
in  the  valley  of  the  Red  River  of  the  North  from  its 
source  to  its  mouth,  and  here  and  there  an  isolated 
one  in  Canada  ;  throughout  the  Mississippi  valley  and 
the  region  south  of  the  great  lakes  to  the  gulf  they 
constitute  the  larger  portion  of  the  numerous  groups, 
it  being  exceedingly  rare  to  find  a  group  in  which 
they  do  not  occur.  Although  the  forms  are  various, 
they  may  be  classed  as  conical  tumuli,  elongate  or 
wall  mounds,  pyramidal  mounds,  and  effigy  mounds. 

The  conical  tumuli  are  artificial  hillocks  cast  up 
with  some  special  object  in  view,  and  not  mere  accu 
mulations  of  debris.  The  form  is  usually  that  of  a 
low,  broad,  round-topped  cone,  but  as  at  present 
found  is,  in  consequence  of  wear  and  tear  by  the 
plow  and  the  elements,  often  that  of  an  irregular 
heap,  distinguished  from  the  refuse  heap  only  by  in 
ternal  evidence.  They  vary  in  size  from  a  scarcely 
perceptible  swell  in  the  ground  to  elevations  of  eighty 
or  ninety  feet,  and  from  six  or  eight  to  three  hundred 
feet  in  diameter.  The  outline  is  generally  approxi 
mately  circular  where  they  retain  their  original  shape, 
though  many  are  oblong  or  oval  and  some  pear- 
shaped.  Most  of  the  Burial  Mounds  are  of  this  type. 

The  works  to  which  the   name    "Elongate  or  Wall 


52 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


AfaOem,  Cemetery 


•CKI 

»* 


MooND9  ON  TAHM  or  B.G  THOMAS, 

EASTMAN    TOWNSHIP.  CRAWFORD  Co 

/VlSCONSiN 


'co° 


Fig.  10.     Plat  of  mound  group,  Wisconsin. 


Atlantic  Division.  53 

Mounds"  is  applied  are  certain  linear  earthen  struc 
tures  which  seem  to  be  confined  almost  exclusively  to 
the  effigy-mound  region  mentioned  below.  The  only 
external  characteristic  which  distinguishes  them  from 
the  oblong  mound  of  the  conical  type  is  their  wai.- 
like  appearance  ;  in  truth  the  longer  ones  may  be 
properly  called  walls,  if  we  judge  by  the  form  alone. 
This  characteristic  is  apparent  even  w^hen  the  length 
is  not  great  as  compared  with  the  width.  Usually  the 
length  is  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  three  hundred 
feet,  though  some  are  found  as  short  as  fifty  while 
others  extend  to  nine  hundred  ;  the  width  varies  from 
twenty  to  forty  feet,  and  the  height  seldom  exceeds 
four  feet.  They  appear  to  be  simple  lines  of  earth 
cast  up  from  the  adjoining  surface,  but  with  what  ob 
ject  in  view  is  unknown  ;  however,  they  are  seldom 
used  as  burial-places,  and  even  where  so  used  it  is  ap 
parently  an  after-thought.  (Fig.  10.) 

The  typical  form  of  the  Pyramidal  Mounds  is  the 
truncated,  quadrangular  pyramid ;  some,  however, 
are  circular  or  oval  and  a  few  pentangular,  but  are 
distinguished  from  the  conical  type  chiefly  by  the  flat 
top  or  truncated  form.  In  some  instances,  as  in  the 
Marietta  group,  Ohio,  they  are  so  reduced  in  height, 
compared  with  extent,  as  to  assume  the  appearance  of 
earthen  platforms ;  others  have  terraces  extending 
outward  from  one  or  two  sides,  and  others  a  ramp  or 
roadway  leading  up  to  the  level  surface.  In  conse 
quence  of  wearing  by  the  plow  and  elements  the  sharp 
outlines  have,  in  many  instances,  been  obliterated  to 
such  an  extent  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  determine 
the  original  form.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  in 
Ohio,  Indiana  and  northern  Illinois,  works  of  this 


54 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Atlantic  Division.  55 

type  are  limited  almost  exclusively  to  southern  Illi 
nois,  south-eastern  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  South  Carolina  and  the  Gulf  States.  The 
two  most  extensive  groups  in  the  division,  consisting 
chiefly  of  mounds  of  this  form,  are  widely  separated  ; 
one  is  located  in  Illinois  a  few  miles  east  of  St.  Louis, 
which  includes  the  giant  Cahokia  mound,  and  the 
other  near  Carthage,  Alabama.  The  best  examples 
of  terraced  mounds  are  found  in  eastern  Arkansas, 
one  of  which  is  shown  in  the  annexed  figure. 
(Fig.  11.) 

There  is  a  somewhat  different  form  from  either  of 
those  mentioned  which  is  intermediate  between  the 
conical  and  pyramidal  types,  though  classed  here 
with  the  latter,  as  a  personal  examination  by  the 
writer  of  examples  widely  separated  geographically, 
has  convinced  him  that  they  are  slight  modifications 
of  the  pyramidal  type  with  ramps.  Examples  of 
both  forms  are  seen  together  in  the  "Rich  Woods" 

o 

group,  south-eastern  Missouri.  In  this  class  the 
main  tumulus  is  really  conical  or  oval,  usually  with  a 
ramp  extending  outward  on  one  side  in  the  form  of  a 
ridge  ;  or  oval  in  form  and  the  whole  upper  surface 
slightly  rounded  and  sloping  toward  one  end. 

The  most  singular  earthen  structures  found  on  the 
continent  are  those  representing  animals,  and  usually 
known  as  "Effigy  Mounds."  They  are  limited  geo 
graphically,  almost  exclusively,  to  Wisconsin  and  the 
immediately  adjoining  portions  of  Illinois  and  Iowa; 
some  two  or  three  are  found  in  Ohio  and  two  in 
Georgia ;  it  is  reported  that  some  examples  have  been 
discovered  in  the  "Bad  Lands"  of  Dakota  ;  this,  how 
ever,  has  not  been  confirmed.  The  animals  which 


56 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


are  represented,  so  far  as  they  can  be  determined,  are 
those  known  to  the  modern  fauna  of  the  region  occu 
pied,  the  supposed  elephant  mound  being  in  all 
probability  intended  for  a  bear,  as  the  proboscis  ap 
pears  to  have  been  an  accidental  addition  of  shifting 
sand,  varying  in  shape  at  different  times,  which  had 
entirely  disappeared  when  the  survey  under  the 
author's  direction  was  made  in  1884.  (Fig.  12.) 


Fig.  12.     Elephant  mound,  Wisconsin. 

Examples  of  this  type  are  seen  in  Fig.  10.  The 
author  may  be  excused  for  expressing  his  surprise  at 
the  truly  imitative  curving  and  rounding  of  the  body 
of  the  animal  in  some  of  the  examples  which  have 
come  under  his  observation.  Standing  at  the  ex 
tremity  of  one  which  has  suffered  but  little  weather 
ing  (as  the  bear  in  Fig.  10) ,  he  was  almost  persuaded 
that  the  builders  had  the  animal  lying  before  them  as 
a  model.  The  greater  number,  however,  are  but 
rude  representations,  yet  there  is  never  any  difficulty 
in  assigning  them  to  the  proper  classes.  They  vary 


Atlantic  Division.  57 

in  length  from  fifty  to  four  hundred  feet,  and  in 
height  from  a.  few  inches  to  four  or  five  feet.  Where 
placed  near  streams  the  heads  usually  point  down 
stream. 

As  a  general  rule,  no  special  order  appears  to  have 
been  observed  in  the  arrangement  of  mounds  in 
groups,  these  being  scattered  irregularly  over  the  area 
occupied,  the  position  being  governed  to  some  extent 
by  the  topography.  There  are,  however,  some  excep 
tions  to  this  rule.  A  somewhat  remarkable  one  oc 
curs  in  the  region  where  the  effigy  mounds  prevail. 
Here  we  frequently  find  the  conical  tumuli  of  a  group 
arranged  in  one  or  two  lines,  usually  straight  or 
nearly  so,  and  somewhat  evenly  spaced.  This  may 
be  attributable  in  some  cases  to  the  topography,  yet 
there  are  a  number  of  instances  w^here  this  arrange 
ment  has  been  adopted  on  level  areas  of  ample  extent, 
and  where  no  special  reason  therefor  is  apparent. 
What  renders  this  the  more  interesting  is  the  fact 
that  in  the  same  section  lines  of  similar  mounds 
frequently  occur,  where  they  are  connected  with  one 
another  by  low  embankments.  An  example  of  this 
kind  is  seen  in  Fig.  13.  The  surrounding  walls  of 


Fig.  13.     Group  of  chain  mounds,  Wisconsin. 

the  noted  group  in  Wisconsin,  known   as  "Aztalan," 
and    an   extensive   group  in  Vanderburg  county,  In- 


58  Study  of  North' American  Archaeology. 

diana,  appear  to  be  but  slight  modifications  of  the 
chain-mound  type.  As  the  elongate  mounds  are 
found  in  the  same  section,  it  is  possible  that  the  three 
types — lines  of  conical  tumuli,  chain  mounds,  as  the 
connected  series  are  named,  and  the  wall  mounds — 
are  steps  in  an  evolutionary  process,  probably  from 
the  solid  to  the  separated. 

So  far  as  mounds  of  these  series  have  been  exam 
ined,  no  evidence  has  been  found  to  justify  the  belief 
that  they  were  intended  as  burial-places.  On  the 
contrary,  as  they  are  usually  low  and  flattened,  and 
frequently  contain  indications  of  fire,  they  are  be 
lieved  to  be  house  or  wigwam  sites.  One  of  the 
groups  containing  mound  series  of  these  types  is  in 
the  precise  locality  Winnebago  Indians  are  known  to 
have  occupied. 

Although  rich,  dry  alluvial  areas  in  the  vicinity  of 
a  stream  or  a  lake  were  favorite  localities  with  the 
mound-builders,  the  necessity  for  guarding  against 
the  approach  of  enemies,  of  being  in  the  vicinity  of  a 
food  and  water  supply,  and  other  reasons  which  gov 
erned  the  location  of  native  villages,  varied  this  rule. 
Hence  we  find  numerous  ancient  works  on  the  re 
stricted  summits  of  hills  and  bluffs,  on  the  islets  and 
hummocks  in  the  midst  of  swamps  and  marshes,  and 
along  the  narrow  valleys  and  even  defiles  of  mountain 
regions.  Nor  are  they  wanting  on  the  bottom  lands 
of  large  rivers  where  the  area  is  subject  to  occasional 
overflow.  From  these  facts  may  be  legitimately  drawn 
the  inference  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  who  con 
structed  these  works  were  split  into  numerous  hostile 
tribes,  the  stronger  occupying  the  level  and  choice 
localities,  while  the  weaker  were  forced  to  seek  refuge 


Atlantic  Division.  59 

in  the  rugged  regions  or  amid  the  swamps  and 
marshes. 

Some  of  the  effigies  of  Wisconsin  occur  on  quite 
steep  hillsides,  and  others  on  crested  spurs  where  the 
summit  is  so  narrow  as  to  necessitate  lapping  over 
from  one  side  to  the  other ;  and  some  of  the  long 
mounds  are  found  running  directly  or  obliquely  down 
quite  steep  slopes.  In  some  instances,  as  in  Calhoun 
county,  Illinois,  and  north-eastern  Missouri,  long 
lines  of  conical  tumuli,  usually  showing  evidences  of 
burial,  occur  on  the  sharp  crests  of  ridges  so  narrow 
as  to  barely  afford  space  for  their  construction.  Oc 
casionally  they  are  placed  immediately  on  the  margin 
of  a  precipitous  bluff.  Hundreds  of  groups,  some  of 
which  are  quite  extensive,  are  located  on  the  low 
ridges  and  hummocks  in  the  swampy  regions  of  south 
eastern  Missouri  and  north-eastern  Arkansas  ;  in  fact, 
one  of  the  richest  archaeologic  fields  of  the  Atlantic 
division  is  found  in  this  section  :  it  is  pre-eminently 
the  region  of  ancient  pottery. 

The  general  distribution  of  the  mounds  and  other 
ancient  works  of  that  portion  of  the  division  in  the 
United  States  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  map 
compiled  under  the  direction  of  the  author  and  pub 
lished  by  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  in  the  12th  Annual 
Report.  It  is  seen  by  examining  this,  that  the  areas 
where  these  prehistoric  works  are  most  abundant  are 
central  and  western  New  York  ;  eastern  and  southern 
Michigan  ;  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  from  La  Crosse, 
Wisconsin,  to  Natchez,  Mississippi ;  the  central  and 
south-western  part  of  Ohio  and  adjoining  portion  of 
Indiana ;  central  and  western  Kentucky ;  middle  and 
eastern  Tennessee ;  and  the  south-west  corner  of 


60  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

North  Carolina  and  north-east  corner  of  Georgia, 
The  east  side  of  Florida  is  well  dotted  with  shell- 
heaps.  It  would  be  interesting  to  refer  to  the  sug 
gestions  which  a  study  of  this  map  brings  before  the 
mind,  but  this  must  be  left  chiefly  to  the  reader. 
There  are  however  one  or  two  inferences  which  appear 
legitimate  that  may  be  properly  mentioned  bere.-  One 
is  that  the  greater  numbers  on  some  areas  com 
pared  with  others  is  owing  in  part  to  the  more  thor 
ough  exploration  of  these  areas,  yet  it  is  not  probable 
that  future  explorations  will  materially  change  the 
map  in  this  respect.  Another  is  that  the  statement 
frequently  made  by  authors  that  the  mound  distribu 
tion  continues  through  Texas  is  incorrect.  It  would 
also  appear  to  be  a  fair  inference,  judging  by  the  map, 
that  there  were  no  important  movements  of  popula 
tion  to  or  from  the  south-west.  The  almost  total  ab 
sence  of  mounds  east  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains  is 
also  a  marked  feature. 


Burial  Mounds.  61 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BURIAL    MOUNDS. 

Having  studied  the  form  and  external  appearance 
of  these  silent  monuments  of  the  past,  let  us  remove 
the  sod  with  which  the  growth  of  centuries  has  covered 
them  and  examine  the  interior  to  see  what  it  has  to 
reveal,  what  it  has  to  tell  us  of  the  past.  Tombs 
are  often  the  treasure  houses  of  savages  and  semi- 
civilized  people.  Guarded  by  superstition  the  treas 
ures  remain  untouched  until  rifled  by  people  of  an 
other  race  who  have  no  fear  of  the  deity  invoked  for 
their  protection. 

However,  before  seeking  for  the  hidden  treasures,  we 
will  try  to  answer  the  question,  How  did  the  ancient 
people  do  the  work  required  in  building  these  earthen 
structures  ?  Though  a  mound  seems  to  be  but  a  simple 
heap  of  earth  that  called  for  no  skill,  yet  the  question 
is  a  pertinent  one.  The  mound-builders  had  neither 
iron  nor  steel  of  which  to  form  spades  and  shovels, 
nor  had  they  beasts  of  burden  to  assist  in  the  trans 
portation  of  material.  Stone  hoes,  wooden  spades 
and  bivalve  shells  were  probably  the  chief  implements 
they  used  for  digging  up  the  soil ;  and  baskets,  mats 
and  skins  borne  by  individuals  were  most  likely  the 
means  they  employed  for  transporting  the  material. 
Nor  is  this  wholly  conjecture,  as  stone  implements 
well  adapted  to  this  purpose,  especially  if  hafted,  are 
found  in  almost  every  section.  All  these  implements, 


62  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

as  we  are  informed  by  the  early  explorers,  were  used 
by  the  Indians  in  their  agricultural  pursuits.  The 
large,  roughly-chipped,  leaf-shaped  stone  implements 
so  abundant  in  some  sections,  scores  of  which  were 
found  by  the  agents  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnol 
ogy  at  a  single  point  in  southern  Illinois,  were  doubt 
less  used  for  this  purpose.  The  thin-bladed,  so-called 
grooved  axes  are  supposed  to  have  been  used,  when 
transversely  hafted,  partly  as  digging  implements. 

It  is  often  the  case  w^hen  a  mound  is  carefully  ex 
cavated  and  closely  scanned  as  the  work  proceeds, 
especially  where  the  material  is  clay  or  muck,  that 
the  individual  loads  can  readily  be  discerned.  As  the 
earth  of  which  the  mounds  are  composed  is  usually 
gathered  up  from  the  surrounding  surface,  the  interior 
will  vary  in  color  and  character  only  as  the  soil  so 
gathered  up  varies.  This  may  be  illustrated  by  a 
partial  section  of  a  Mississippi  mound  shown  in  Fig. 
14.  Here  the  lower  stratum  (No.  5)  is  black  soil  in 
lumps,  or  small  masses,  presumably  the  top  soil  of  the 
surrounding  surface  ;  No.  4  red  earth  in  small  masses ; 
No.  3  (the  grey  streak  not  numbered  in  the  figure) 
red  clay ;  No.  2  grey  clay ;  and  No.  1  the  top  cover 
ing  accumulated  since  the  mound  was  built.  How 
ever,  very  many  of  the  mounds  are  stratified  in  such 
a  way  as  to  show  that  this  has  been  done  intentionally, 
even  where  it  was  necessary  to  bring  the  material  for 
one  or  more  layers  from  a  distance  of  a  fourth ,  or  a  half 
a  mile,  or  more.  The  places  from  whence  material  was 
taken  to  build  the  small  or  moderate  sized  mounds  are 
seldom  discernible  at  the  present  day,  but  depressions 
plainly  mark  the  points  about  the  larger  works,  as  the 


Burial  Mounds. 


63 


Cahokia  and  Etowah  mounds  and  some  of  the  in- 
closures  of  Ohio  and  elsewhere.  In  some  cases  the 
one  act  has  been  made  to  serve  two  purposes,  that  is 
to  say,  the  earth  used  to  construct  the  mound  or  other 
work  has  been  taken  from  one  or  two  points  so  as  to 
leave  a  basin-shaped  excavation  for  holding  water,  or 


Fig.  14.     Section  of  a  Mississippi  mound. 

to  form  a  trench  to  serve  as  a  protective  moat,  or 
for  drainage  or  other  purposes.  In  some  cases  the 
earth  has  been  taken  from  a  trench  immediately 
around  the  mound.  The  latter  are  interesting,  as  it 
would  seem  therefrom  that  the  comparative  size  of 
the  mound  had  been  determined  before  beginning  the 
work . 

Mr.  Gerard  Fowke,  who  has  had  considerable  ex 
perience  in  excavating  mounds  in  various  sections  of 


64  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  country  and  of  almost  every  form  known  to  the 
division,  has  expressed  the  opinion  that  a  mound  one 
hundred  feet  in  diameter  at  base  and  twenty  feet 
high,  could  have  been  thrown  up  by  a  hundred  men, 
with  the  means  the  mound-builders  had  at  hand,  in 
forty-two  days.  Marquis  de  Nadaillac  objects  to  this  as 
sertion  as  one  negatived  by  all  the  data  obtained.  How 
ever  it  is  rather  a  question  of  practical  mathematics 
than  of  archaeology.  A  simple  calculation  is  all  that 
is  necessary  to  show  that  twenty-five  loads,  each  con 
taining  half  a  cubic  foot  of  earth,  carried  per  day  by 
each  man,  would  complete  the  mound  in  forty-two 
days.  As  the  usual  distance  the  loads  had  to  be  car 
ried  was  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  yards,  and  the  loose 
top  soil  was  selected,  twenty-five  loads  of  half  a  cubic 
foot  each  is  not  an  unreasonable  allowance.  The 
single  loads,  as  plainly  indicated  by  the  little  biscuit, 
or  pone-shaped  masses  in  many  of  the  mounds,  cer 
tainly  exceed  in  size  this  estimate.  It  would  appear, 
therefore,  that  Mr.  Fowke  was  warranted  in  his  con 
clusion. 

The  internal  arrangements  or  modifications  relating 
to  or  having  connection  with  burials  are  so  various 
that  only  the  more  common  and  important  can  be  re 
ferred  to  here.  A  type  quite  common  in  the  north 
western  portion  of  the  division,  is  that,  where  a  slight 
excavation  has  been  made  in  the  original  surface  of 
the  ground  to  receive  the  body  or  bodies,  or  more 
likely  skeletons,  as  in  many,  if  not  a  majority  of  cases 
of  this  type,  the  flesh  has  been  removed  before  burial, 
the  lower  limbs  drawn  up,  or  the  bones  disarticulated 
and  bundled,  or  stretched  out  horizontally  and  the 


Burial  Mounds.  65 

mound  heaped  over  them.  It  was  not  unusual  to 
form  the  first  or  lower  layer  thrown  over  them  of 
tough  clay,  which  must  have  been,  in  some  instances, 
in  a  plastic  state  when  deposited,  as  may  be  judged 
by  the  way  it  has  worked  itself  into  the  cavities  of 
the  skull.  Sometimes  the  entire  mound  consists  of 
this  hard  clay  layer.  In  mounds  of  this  class  in 
trusive  burials  are  readily  distinguished  from  the 
original  ones. 

The  simplest  method  of  burial,  of  which  examples 
are  found  in  most  of  the  sections,  was  to  lay  the  out 
stretched  body  or  bodies  on  the  surface  of  the  ground 
and  heap  the  earth  over  them.  In  Ohio  and  West 
Virginia  some  examples  occur  where  the  surface  of 
the  ground  was  first  smoothed  and  packed  :  over  this 
was  spread  a  floor  of  bark,  on  which  was  sprinkled  a 
layer  of  ashes  a  few  inches  thick.  The  body  was 
then  laid  on  the  ashes  and  covered  with  bark,  and 
over  this  the  mound  was  heaped.  In  some  cases  the 
bodies  are  found  in  a  sitting  posture,  and  where  there 
are  several  they  are  sometimes  facing  one  another. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  some  of  the  cases  re 
corded,  especially  in  the  north-western  section,  were 
really  bundled  skeletons,  the  fact  that  the  bones  were 
in  a  heap,  with  the  head  on  top,  being  taken  as  proof 
that  they  were  originally  in  a  sitting  posture. 

In  a  majority  of  cases,  no  rule  in  regard  to  the  po 
sition  of  the  bodies  relative  to  the  cardinal  points  was 
observed.  Fig.  15  shows  the  stratification  of  a  mound 
in  eastern  Tennessee  containing  a  large  number  of 
skeletons  all  in  the  lower  layer  (#,  #,) .  The  explana 
tion  of  this  figure  is  as  follows  : 
5  - 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


a,  a,  Dark  layer  of  sandy  soil,  li  feet 
thick. 

6,  6,  Thin  layer  of  burnt  clay,  3  to  4 
inches. 

c,  c,  Dark  sandy  soil,  2-J-  feet. 

d,  d,  Second   layer  of   burnt  clay,   3 
inches. 

e,  e,  Dark  sandy  soil,  1|  feet. 

/,  /,  Third  layer  of  burnt  clay,  3 
inches. 

g,  g,  Dark  mucky  soil  (about  4  feet) 
resting  on  the  original  surface  of  the 
ground. 

//,  Central  shaft  of  alternate  dish- 
shaped  layers  of  burnt  clay  and  ashes. 
2,  ?',  Remains  of  upright  cedar  posts. 
Although  all  the  skeletons  were  in 
the  bottom  layer,  they  were  not  all,  nor 
even  the  greater  part,  resting  on  the 
original  surface  of  the  ground,  but  at 
different  depths.  All  were  stretched 
out  horizontally  except  two ;  one  of 
these  was  in  a  sitting  posture,  and  the 
other  folded  up  and  lying  on  its  right 
side,  and  was  probably  buried  after  the 
flesh  had  been  removed.  It  was  judged 
from  the  indications  that  some,  at  least, 
of  the  burials  were  made  in  this  way  : 
the  body,  after  being  deposited,  was  covered  with  a 
layer  of  cane  or  brush  ;  over  this  was  spread  clay  or 
muck  in  a  plastic  state,  and  upon  this  a  fire  was  built. 
Among  the  relics  found  in  this  tumulus  were  earthen 
pots  and  basins,  generally  at  the  heads  of  the  skele- 


Burial  Mounds. 


67 


tons  (Fig.  16);  shell  beads,  shell  ear  ornaments  (Fig. 
17)  and  hair-pins  (?);  engraved  shells  similar  to  that 
shown  at  Fig.  18 ;  soapstone  pipes  (Fig.  19) ;  flint 


Fig.  16.    Earthen  pot,  east  Tennessee. 


arrow  and  spear  heads 
stones  ;  bone  implements 
was  by  a  skeleton.  As 
the  skeleton  and  iron 
chisel  lying  with  it  were 
in  the  layer,  <;,  #,  they 
must  have  been  placed 
before  the  unbroken  stra 
tum,  /,  /,  and  the  other 
undisturbed  strata  above 
were  deposited,  and 
hence  can  not  possibly 
be  attributed  to  an  in 
trusive,  or  even  after 
burial.  It  is  evident  that 
burials  in  the  mound 
ceased  when  layers,  /,  /, 
and  e,  e,  were  deposited, 
unless  these  layers  were 
cut,  of  which  there  was 
no  evidence. 


polished   celts ;    discoidal 
and  one  iron  chisel,  which 


Fig.  17.    Shell  ear  ornament  or 
hairpin. 


68  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

In  another  large  mound  in  the  same  valley  and  be 
longing  to  the  same  series,  the  plan  appears  to  have 
been  exactly  reversed  :  the  bottom  layer,  which  was 
level  and  not  rounded  on  top,  was  not  used  for  burial 


Fig.  18.    Engraved  shell,  North  Carolina. 

purposes,  the  heavy  single  layer  above  it  containing 
all  of  the  ninety  skeletons  unearthed.  This  valley  of 
the  Little  Tennessee  was  occupied,  from  prehistoric 


Fig.  19.     Soapstone  pipe,  east  Tennessee. 

times  until  their  removal,  by  the  Overhill  Cherokees, 
whose  villages  were  located  on  the  precise  spots  where 
the  mound  groups  are  found. 

Another  form  of  burial  has  been  observed  in  west- 


Burial  Mounds. 


69 


70  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

era  North  Carolina.  Here  a  circular  or  triangular 
excavation  to  the  depth  of  two  or  three  feet  was 
made  :  the  bodies  (or  skeletons)  were  placed  on  the 
bottom,  usually  in  a  sitting  posture,  and  most  of  them 
covered  with  beehive-shaped  vaults  of  cobble-stones 
(Fig.  20).  In  one  instance,  in  Eastern  Tennessee, 
instead  of  an  excavation,  a  wall  was  built  of  cobble 
stones  on  the  surface  of  the  ground,  and  the  vaults 
arranged  within  it.  Similarly  shaped  burial  vaults, 
of  hardened  clay,  have  been  discovered  in  West  Vir 
ginia  mounds.  Many  important  relics  were  obtained 
from  the  North  Carolina  mounds  ;  among  other  things 
some  of  the  finest  specimens  of  engraved  shells  which 
have  been  found  in  the  United  States  (Fig.  18) ;  also 
soapstone  pipes  with  stems,  bearing  a  close  resem- 


Fig.  21.    Soapstone  pipe,  North  Carolina. 

blance  to  the  old-fashioned  clay  pipes  of  the  whites 
(Fig.  21) .  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  although 
James  Adair,  in  his  "History  of  the  American  In 
dians,"  describes  the  soapstone  pipes  made  by  the 
Cherokees  as  precisely  of  the  form  of  what  is  known 
as  the  "Monitor  Pipe,"  mentioned  below  (Fig.  46)  ; 
none  of  those  discovered  in  North  Carolina  or  east 
Tennessee  mounds  are  of  precisely  that  form,  though 
probably  modifications  of  it. 

Another  important  mode  of  burial,  both  in  mounds 
and  in  cemeteries,  was  in  box-shaped  stone  sepulchers, 


Burial  Mounds.  71 

These  appear  to  have  been  constructed  as  follows  : 
In  a  pit  some  two  or  three  feet  deep  and  of  the  desired 
dimensions,  dug  for  the  purpose,  a  number  of  flat  stones 
are  placed  to  form  the  floor ;  next,  similar  pieces  are 
set  on  edge  to  form  the  sides  and  ends,  over  which 
other  slabs  are  laid  flat,  forming  the  covering ;  the 
whole,  when  finished,  making  a  rude,  box-shaped 
coffin  or  sarcophagus.  Sometimes  the  bottom  layer 
was  omitted.  Graves  of  this  kind  occur  often  in 
great  numbers  in  southern  Illinois,  Kentucky,  middle 
and  east  Tennessee,  north-eastern  Georgia,  and  at 
certain  points  in  Ohio,  though  the  sections  of  greatest 
abundance  are  southern  Illinois  and  middle  Ten 
nessee.  Mounds  in  these  last-named  sections  are 
frequently  made  up  almost  entirely  of  sepulchers  of 
this  type,  generally  placed  without  regard  to  system 
and  sometimes  in  two  or  more  tiers.  One  or  two, 
however,  have  been  found  in  middle  Tennessee,  in 
which  the  graves  were  arranged  like  the  spokes  of  a 
wheel,  the  heads  being  toward  the  center.  In  the 
center  of  the  mound,  the  point  from  which  the  sar 
cophagi  radiated,  was  a  large  clay  vase  or  basin- 
shaped  vessel.  There  were  two  rows  of  coffins,  one 
outside  of  the  other.  Although  the  skeleton  is  usually 
stretched  at  full  length  on  the  back,  in  some  cases 
the  bones  of  adults  have  been  disarticulated  before 
burial,  and  packed  into  stone  graves  of  this  type  not 
exceeding  two  feet  in  length  and  nine  inches  in  width  ; 
and  occasionally  two  and  even  three  skeletons  are 
found  in  a  single  grave.  A  cemetery  in  Tennessee 
composed  chiefly  of  small  graves  of  this  type  was,  for 
a  time,  supposed  to  be  the  burial-place  of  a  race  of 
pigmies,  but  a  more  thorough  examination  showed 


72 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


the  graves  to  be  the  depositories  of  disarticulated 
skeletons  and  children.  There  is  usually  no  special 
order  in  which  these  graves  are  arranged  ;  a  cemetery 
exhibiting  the  greatest  regularity  of  any  yet  dis 
covered  is  shown  in  Fig.  22.  It  is  proper,  however, 


SfS*  r-'rr  -RwVfiu      Ife  &  i 

Miff^Si?1^-'  iil 


&) 

o> 

0 

I 


to  remark  that  some  of  the  burials  of  this  t}^pe  in 
southern  Illinois  appear  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt 
to  have  been  made  by  Indians  after  the  advent  of  the 
whites.  A  Kaskaskia  Indian  is  known  to  have  been 


Burial  Mounds.  73 

buried  in  this  kind  of  a  grave  in  Jackson  county,  Illi 
nois,  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  century. 

Mounds  are  often  found  to  cover  vaults  of  wood  or 
stone.  In  some  instances  these  vaults  are  square, 
oblong,  or  circular  inclosures,  built  up  to  the  height 
of  two  or  three  feet,  of  unhewn  stone,  laid  without 
the  use  of  mortar.  Occasionally  they  seem  to  have 
been  covered  with  timbers,  but  more  frequently  they 
have  been  simply  filled  with  earth  after  the  bodies 
were  deposited  within  them.  Dome-shaped  stone 
vaults  also  occur.  In  most  cases,  however,  these 
have  partly  fallen  in,  hence  the  restorations  may  not 
be  strictly  correct.  Wooden  vaults  or  chambers  of 
two  types  have  been  discovered  in  Ohio  and  West 
Virginia.  One  of  these  is  a  simple  pen,  usually 
square,  built  of  round  logs  ;  the  other  of  logs  placed 
upright  around  the  inclosed  space.  In  two  or  three 
instances,  two  vaults,  one  above  the  other,  were  made 
in  the  same  mound.  These  are  spoken  of  as  vaults, 
yet  it  is  possible  that,  in  some  instances,  they  may  have 
been  built  for  some  other  purpose  than  that  of  a  tomb 
or  burial-place. 

Stone  graves  and  vaults  are  seldom  found  in  the 
mounds  of  the  Gulf  States.  Usually  the  skeletons  in 
this  section  are  in  a  horizontal  position,  generally 
without  any  rule  in  regard  to  direction.  Exceptional 
cases  occur  in  which  all  the  bodies  in  a  mound,  or 
most  of  them,  are  placed  with  the  head  in  one  direc 
tion  or  arranged  in  a  circle  with  heads  toward  the 
center.  A  few  instances  have  been  noticed  in  southern 
Georgia  where  the  body  had  been  buried  in  a  sitting 
posture,  a  post  having  been  driven  into  the  ground 
and  the  dead  lashed  to  it  with  the  back  against  it. 


74  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

In  some  of  the  Arkansas  groups,  many  of  the  skele 
tons  have  been  found  closely  folded,  though  seldom 
in  a  sitting  posture.  It  appears  from  the  evidence 
obtained  by  the  exploration  of  many  of  the  low, 
conical  mounds  of  the  latter  section  that  usually  these 
were  at  first  but  house-sites,  but  death  occurring  in  the 
family,  the  dead  were  buried  in  the  floor,  the  house 
burned  over  them,  and  dirt  heaped  over  the  smolder 
ing  ruins.  Sometimes  the  same  mound  was  used 
again  as  a  dwelling  site  and  burial-place. 

Burial  in  ossuaries,  or  "bone-pits,"  was  a  common 
mode  in  some  parts  of  Canada,  and  not  unknown 
south  of  the  lakes.  It  is  supposed  that,  in  some  in 
stances  at  least,  these  are  the  places  of  communal 
burial,  made  at  the  "Great  Feast  of  the  Dead,"  when 
the  bones  of  those  belonging  to  the  tribe,  village  or 
band,  who  had  died  during  the  previous  ten  or  twelve 
years,  were  deposited  in  a  pit  dug  for  this  purpose. 
Some  of  these  contain  as  many  as  a  thousand  skele 
tons,  and  according  to  the  Report  of  the  Canadian 
Institute  a  number  of  them  are  known  to  be  of  "post- 
European  date,"  as  copper  and  brass  kettles  have 
been  found  in  them. 

That  inhumation  was  the  usual  method  of  finally 
disposing  of  the  dead  in  this  division,  is  indicated 
by  what  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  a  some 
what  careful  study  of  all  the  data  leads  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  it  was  almost  the  only  method  adopted  by 
the  ancient  inhabitants.  It  is  true,  that  coals  and 
ashes  are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  burial  mounds, 
and  that  partially  burnt  human  bones  are  occasion 
ally  found,  giving  rise,  in  the  minds  of  many  archae 
ologists,  to  the  opinion  that  cremation  was  often 


Burial  Mounds.  75 

practiced  by  the  mound-builders,  and  that  human 
sacrifice  was  not  infrequent.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  these  indications  are  due  to  other  and  quite  dif 
ferent  customs,  though  it  must  be  admitted  that  a  few 
instances  have  been  noticed  where  it  seems  evident 
the  bodies  were  intentionally  burned,  but  these  are 
extremely  rare. 

That  fire  was  very  frequently  used  in  connection 
with,  or  as  part  of  the  burial  ceremonies,  is  certainly 
true,  but  the  evidence,  when  carefully  studied,  tends 
to  show  that  the  burning  of  the  bodies  or  bones,  where 
this  has  occurred,  was,  with  few  exceptions,  accidental 
rather  than  intentional.  In  Arkansas,  where  the  exca 
vations  show  that  the  house  was  burned  over  the  dead, 
the  bodies  were,  in  nearly  every  case,  covered  with  suffi 
cient  earth  to  protect  them  from  the  fire.  In  Wisconsin 
and  northern  Illinois  it  was  not  an  uncommon  cus 
tom  to  cover  the  primary  burial  with  a  layer  of  clay 
or  mortar-like  material,  and  then  burn  brush  or  other 
material  on  it  before  completing  the  mound.  Evi 
dences  of  a  similar  method  were  also  observed  in 
some  mounds  of  eastern  Tennessee.  Evidences  of 
fires  burned  over  vaults  have  been  observed  in  Ohio, 
West  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  In  several  in 
stances,  from  want  of  proper  care  in  forming  the  cov 
ering,  or  on  account  of  the  fierceness  of  the  fires,  the 
bones  have  been  scorched,  or  partially  burned,  render 
ing  it  highly  probable  that  the  flesh  had,  in  these 
cases,  been  removed  before  burial.  From  the  fact 
that  in  one  of  the  mounds  of  eastern  Tennessee  burnt 
clay  beds  were  found  covered  with  ashes  and  coals,  in 
which  were  burnt  human  bones,  and  in  the  center  of 
each  the  charred  remains  of  a  stake,  it  is  inferred 


76  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

that  captives  were  tortured  and  burnt  here.  The 
statement  by  Hay  wood  in  his  "History  of  Tennessee" 
and  Ramsey  in  his  "Annals  of  Tennessee,"  that  a 
Mrs.  Bean,  who  was  captured  by  the  Cherokees,  was 
taken  to  a  mound  in  the  same  locality  as  that  men 
tioned  above,  to  be  burnt,  though  saved  by  one  of 
the  Indian  women,  not  only  strengthens  this  supposi 
tion,  but  indicates  some  relation  between  the  Chero 
kees  and  the  builders  of  these  mounds,  or  the  use  of 
them  by  the  Indians  for  at  least  one  purpose  for 
which  they  were  used  by  the  builders.  It  is  possible, 
however,  though  not  probable,  that  these  may  have 
been  instances  of  burial  of  the  kind  mentioned  by 
Col.  C.  C.  Jones  ("History  of  the  Southern  In 
dians")  as  occurring  in  some  Georgia  mounds,  where 
the  body  was  placed  in  a  sitting  position  and  strapped 
to  a  stake.  A  burial  of  this  kind,  which  occurred  in 
Arkansas  as  late  as  1834,  is  described  by  Mr.  Poynter 
in  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1882.  The  house  in 
which  the  family  of  this  Indian  (Wal-ka-ma-tu-ba) 
lived  was  built  of  round  logs,  covered  with  bark  and 
daubed  with  mud.  In  the  middle  of  the  house  a 
board  was  driven  about  three  feet  into  the  ground, 
and  the  old  man  was  lashed  to  this  with  thongs,  in  a 
sitting  posture,  with  his  knees  drawn  up  in  front  of 
his  chin,  and  his  hands  crossed  and  fastened  under 
his  knees.  The  body  was  then  entirely  encased  in 
mud,  built  up  like  a  round  mound  and  smoothed  over. 
A  fire  was  kindled  over  the  pile  and  the  clay  burnt 
to  a  crisp.  Six  months  later  the  family  moved  away 
and  the  mound  was  opened  and  the  body  found  to  be 
well  preserved.  This  will  probably  explain  the 
method  in  the  cases  mentioned  by  Col.  Jones  ;  and 


Burial  Mounds.  77 

will  also  give  a  hint  as  to  the  custom  which  produced 
the  burnt  clay  beds  so  often  found  covering  burials, 
but  not  the  dish-shaped  beds  in  the  mounds  on  the 
Little  Tennessee,  where  more  likely  torture  by  fire 
was  practiced. 

A  somewhat  peculiar  custom  prevailed  among  the 
mound-builders  of  north-eastern  Missouri,  which,  if 
rightly  interpreted  by  the  explorers,  leads  to  the  sup 
position  that  in  some  cases  the  body  of  the  dead  was 
intentionally  burned.  The  mounds  are  composed 
wholly  of  earth,  partly  of  earth  and  partly  of  stones, 
or  wholly  of  stones.  In  the  two  latter,  the  bodies 
buried  in  them  are  covered  with  stones,  or  are  in 
closed  in  stone  receptacles  of  various  forms.  In  a 
few  cases,  these  receptacles  are  box-shaped  cysts,  simi 
lar  to  those  heretofore  mentioned.  The  condition  of 
the  other  mounds  indicates  that  the  builders  had 
burned  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  then  gathered  up  the 
charred  bones  and  ashes  and  mixed  them  into  a  mass 
with  clay.  Where  the  bodies  were  buried  without 
being  thus  treated,  a  flat  stone  was  sometimes  laid  on 
the  head. 

There  are  other  mounds  which  may  be  included  in 
the  burial  class,  though  it  is  not  apparent  that  they 
were,  at  least  in  many  cases,  erected  for  this  purpose. 
One  type,  to  which  the  name  "altar  mound"  has  been 
applied,  is  characterized  by  having,  usually  at  the 
bottom  on  the  original  surface  of  the  ground,  a  regu 
larly-shaped  mass  of  burned  clay,  with  a  basin-like 
depression  in  the  middle.  These  masses  are  supposed 
by  some  leading  authorities  to  have  been  "altars,"  on 
which  sacrifices  were  made  or  some  religious  act  per 
formed.  There  is,  however,  no  valid  reason  for  this 


78  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology, 

supposition,  nor  any  evidence  which  seems  to  justify 
it.  Although  Messrs.  Squier  and  Davis,  who  ad 
vanced  this  opinion,  found  no  evidence  of  burial  in 
the  mounds  of  this  type  which  they  excavated,  some 
of  those  subsequently  examined  by  other  explorers 
appear  to  have  been  used  as  depositories  of  the  dead. 
Mr.  Moorehead  gives  an  instance  in  his  explorations 
of  Ohio  mounds,  in  which  the  "altar"  basin  was  oc 
cupied  by  a  single  skeleton,  the  remains,  most  likely, 
of  one  who  held  some  position  of  note  among  the 
people,  who  thus  honored  him  in  his  burial.  Others 
of  the  same  type,  in  Ohio,  north-western  Illinois,  and 
West  Virginia,  have  been  used  as  burial-places, 
though  the  bodies  were  not  placed  in  the  clay  basin. 

A  few  mounds  in  eastern  Iowa  and  western  North 
Carolina,  and  one  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  Wisconsin, 
have  been  found,  when  explored,  to  contain  oblong, 
altar-shaped  masses,  symmetrically  built  of  cobble 
stones,  some  of  which  showed  no  indications  whatever 
of  fire,  while  others  were  covered  with  a  layer  of 
charcoal  and  ashes,  in  which  were  imbedded  skeletons 
or  human  bones  bearing  no  marks  of  heat.  Some  of 
these  were  evidently  burial  mounds,  while  others  gave 
no  indications  of  having  been  used  or  intended  for 
this  purpose. 


,  Implements  and  Ornaments.  79 


CHAPTER  VII. 

VESSELS,   IMPLEMENTS    AND    ORNAMENTS. 

While,  on  the  one  hand,  the  local  monuments,  by 
their  forms,  character,  size,  condition,  topographical 
position,  etc.,  furnish  some  evidence  as  to  the  age  in 
which  the  builders  lived,  their  sedentary  habits,  mode 
of  life,  the  relative  tribal  strength,  culture  status,  and 
whether  in  a  state  of  peace  or  war  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
it  is  chiefly  from  the  modes  of  burial  and  the  minor 
products  of  art  we  are  enabled  to  judge  of  their  do 
mestic  life  and  customs,  and  to  gain  some  knowledge 
of  their  superstitions  and  religious  beliefs.  Notice  of 
a  few  of  these  minor  vestiges  of  art  has  been  given 
in  connection  with  the  description  of  the  burial 
mounds  and  modes  of  burial,  but  it  is  necessary,  be 
fore  dismissing  the  subject,  to  devote  a  chapter  to 
their  consideration. 

The  first  step  in  the  study  of  these  art  products  is 
to  learn  their  history  from  the  moment  they  were 
brought  to  light  until  they  fall  into  the  student's 
hands  ;  in  other  words,  to  know  positively  that  they 
are  genuine  mound  relics,  for  it  is  hazardous  to  build 
up  a  theory  on  an  unauthenticated  specimen,  espe 
cially  when  it  presents  unusual  features.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  lack  of  knowledge  in  this  respect  in 
regard  to  many  of  the  articles,  even  in  the  best 
archaeological  collections  of  our  country,  has  mate 
rially  lessened  their  value  in  the  eyes  of  critical  stu 
dents  and  specialists.  However,  the  collections  of 


80  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

recent  years  have  been  made  with  more  care  and  dis 
crimination,  and  more  care  has  been  taken  to  see  that 
the  records  are  correct. 

As  the  relation  of  the  articles  found  in  a  mound  to 
the  bodies  deposited  therein  is  of  more  or  less  impor 
tance  in  this  study,  a  few  examples  will  be  given, 
taken  chiefly  from  those  with  which  the  author  is  per 
sonally  familiar — selecting,  of  course,  those  which 
appear  to  be  of  most  importance  in  this  respect. 


Fig.  23.     Triangular  pit,  North  Carolina. 

The  first  we  notice  is  a  triangular  pit  in  C  aid  well 
county,  North  Carolina,  probably  the  only  example 
of  a  regular  triangular  form  which  has  been  observed. 
An  outline  sketch,  showing  the  relative  positions  of 
the  skeletons  is  given  in  Fig.  23.  Nos.  1-9,  single 
uninclosed  skeletons,  lying  horizontally  on  their 
backs,  heads  east  or  north-east ;  10-15,  stone  vaults, 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments.  81 

similar  to  those  shown  in  Fig.  20,  covering  skeletons, 
each,  except  11  and  14,  containing  a  single  skeleton 
in  a  sitting  posture  and  unaccompanied  by  any  article. 
Nos.  11  and  14  were  covered  graves,  each  containing 
two  horizontal  skeletons,  one  lying  on  the  other ; 
heavy  stones  were  laid  on  the  legs  and  extended  arms  ; 
no  accompanying  articles.  By  the  head  of  No.  2  of 
the  uninclosed  skeletons  was  a  broken  soapstone  pipe  ; 
Nos.  5  and  9,  one  small  polished  celt  each. 

At  A  were  ten  or  more  skeletons  (there  were  ten 
skulls)  in  a  group,  which  appeared  to  have  been 
buried  at  one  time.  The  principal  personage  lay  in 
the  midst  of  the  group,  stretched  horizontally  on  the 
ground,  face  down,  head  north-east.  Under  his  head 
was  a  large  engraved  shell,  similar  to  that  shown  in 
Fig.  18 ;  around  his  neck  a  number  of  large  shell 
beads  ;  at  the  sides  of  his  head  five  elongate  copper 
beads,  or  rather  small  cylinders,  part  of  the  leather 
thong  on  which  they  had  been  strung  yet  remaining  in 
them.  A  piece  of  copper  lay  under  his  breast ;  around 
each  wrist  were  the  remains  of  a  bracelet  composed 
of  copper  and  shell  beads  alternating ;  at  his  right 
hand  lay  four  iron  implements,  one  a  roughly-ham 
mered  celt ;  another,  part  of  a  blade  ;  another,  part 
of  a  punch  or  awl,  with  deer-horn  handle.  Under 
his  left  hand  was  another  engraved  shell,  the  concave 
surface  upward  and  filled  with  shell  beads  of  various 
sizes. 

Around  and  partly  lying  over  this   skeleton  were 

nine  others.     Under  the  heads  of  two  of  these,  lying 

within   a  foot  of  the  head  of  the   first,  were   several 

engraved  shells  of  the  type  shown  in  Fig.  18.     Scat- 

6 


82  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tered  over  and  among  the  bones  of  these  ten  skeletons 
were  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  polished  celts,  a  num 
ber  of  discoidal  stones,  a  few  copper  arrow-points, 
some  pieces  of  mica,  lumps  of  paint  and  graphite, 
and  more  than  a  dozen  soapstone  pipes. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  contents  of  this  single 
depository  of  the  dead,  of  which  the  above  is  only  a 
brief  and  partial  account,  not  only  give  us  valuable 
hints  as  to  the  arts  and  customs  of  the  people,  but 
furnish  a  basis  for  numerous  conjectures. 

The  fact  that  there  was  no  mound  over  the  pit,  the 
top  being  nearly  or  quite  on  a  level  with  the  natural 
surface,  and  that  the  entire  depth  to  the  bottom  did 
not  exceed  three  feet,  excludes  the  idea  of  any  very 
great  age.  The  annual  decay  of  vegetation  for  two 
or  three  thousand  years,  or  even  for  half  a  score  of 
centuries,  would,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  in  a 
forest-covered  region  as  this  was,  have  covered  the 
area  with  mold  to  the  depth  of  two  or  three  feet ;  yet 
it  is  evident  that  the  accumulation  here  must  have 
been  less  than  one  foot  thick,  as  the  bottom  of  the  pit 
was  in  some  places  not  more  than  two  feet  and  a  half 
below  the  original  surface.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
same  statement  is  equally  applicable  to  many  other 
ancient  works  of  our  country.  This  is  true,  but  it 
only  serves  to  raise  the  question,  what  is  the  inference 
to  be  drawn  therefrom?  If  we  assume,  as  the  author 
believes  to  be  the  correct  theory,  that  the  builders 
were  Indians,  and  in  all  probability  Cherokees,  who 
inhabited  this  region  from  the  earliest  knowledge  we 
have  of  it,  the  difficulty  in  this  respect  vanishes,  and 
conjectures  are  limited  to  a  much  narrower  field  than 
otherwise.  But  aside  from  any  theory  in  this  respect, 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments.  83 

the  indications  are  decidedly  against  any  very  great 
age.  The  stone  implements  are  of  the  neolithic  type  ; 
the  engraved  shell  gorgets,  on  which  the  figure  is  the 
conventionalized  serpent,  found  in  graves  and  mounds 
not  only  of  this  region  but  also  of  eastern  and  mid 
dle  Tennessee,  possibly  refer  to  a  cult  or  superstition 
widely  diffused  among  the  aborigines  of  America. 
The  presence  of  iron  implements,  which  analysis  has 
shown  were  not  made  of  meteoric  iron,  indicates  con 
tact,  direct  or  indirect,  with  a  people  who  had  learned 
the  use  of  this  metal.  The  assumption  that  this  was 
a  comparatively  modern  burial-place,  and  not  one 
pertaining  to  the  true  mound-builders,  only  serves  to 
introduce  an  equally  troublesome  difficulty  on  the 
other  hand.  The  carved  shells  have  been  found  in  so 
many  mounds  and  stone  graves  that  they  are  recog 
nized  by  all  archaeologists  as  genuine  mound-builder 
relics. 

Whatever  may  be  the  conclusion  reached  on  these 
points,  the  surmise  to  which  the  group  of  ten  skele 
tons  gives  rise  is  not  affected  thereby.  That  the 
central  figure  had  been  a  person  of  importance  among 
his  people  is  apparent  from  the  ornaments  with  which 
he  was  decked  and  the  manner  in  which  he  was  sur 
rounded  by  other  bodies.  Had  they  been  slain  to  ac 
company  him  into  the  unseen  land?  This  would,  per 
haps,  be  a  reasonable  conclusion  if  we  could  be  assured 
that  these  were  not  skeletons  taken  from  some  house  of 
the  dead  or  other  burial-place.  Adair  mentions  an 
instance  where,  on  the  death  of  a  chief's  son,  captive 
women  were  slain  to  accompany  him. 

Mr.  Moorehead  mentions  an  instance  ("Primitive 
Man  in  Ohio")  where  the  following  articles  were 


84  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

found  about  a  single  skeleton  :  Upon  the  ground  at 
its  feet  a  copper  plate  covered  with  the  remains  of 
cloth  ;  about  the  head  and  neck  six  hundred  and  six 
pearl  beads,  all  drilled  ;  among  the  vertebrae  eight 
perforated  bear  teeth  and  three  spool-shaped  orna 
ments  ;  and  between  the  legs  twenty  shell  beads. 

As  an  illustration  of  a  more  general  distribution  of 
articles  among  the  skeletons,  the  following  summary 
of  the  account  in  the  Twelth  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  of  the  burials  in  an  east 
Tennessee  mound  is  given.  The  relative  positions  of 
the  skeletons  are  shown  in  Fig.  24,  the  depth  at  which 
they  lay  from  the  upper  surface  varying  from  two  and 
a  half  to  eight  feet.  Length  of  the  mound,  220  feet ; 
greatest  width,  184  feet ;  and  height,  14  feet.  The 
articles  found  with  the  respective  skeletons  as  num 
bered  in  the  cut  were  as  follows  : 

With  Nos.  4  and  10,  each,  two  broken  pots  ;  Nos.  5, 
6,  9,  13,  17  and  51,  each,  one  broken  pot ;  No.  16,  one 
polished  discoidal  stone,  one  soapstone  pipe,  one 
broken  pot,  one  rough  discoidal  stone,  and  one  en 
graved  shell ;  No.  18,  two  polished  celts,  five  arrow 
heads  and  some  flint  nodules  ;  No.  21,  one  unbroken 
pot  and  polished  celt ;  No.  22,  one  polished  celt ;  No. 
26,  one  pot  and  two  polished  celts ;  No.  31,  one 
broken  pot  and  one  polished  celt ;  No.  33,  one 
engraved  shell  and  polished  celt ;  No.  34,  two 
broken  pots,  one  polished  stone  chisel,  one  discoidal 
stone  and  one  stone  gorget ;  No.  35,  two  polished  celts  ; 
No.  39,  one  polished  celt ;  No.  41,  one  engraved  shell ; 
No.  44,  four  polished  celts  ;  No.  46,  one  broken  pot 
and  one  discoidal  stone  ;  No.  55,  one  polished  celt ; 
No.  57,  one  bowl,  one  shell  mask,  two  shell  pins, 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments. 


85 


two  bone  awls  or  punches,  and  a  number  of  shell 
beads  :  No.  58,  three  bone  implements  ;  No.  59,  two 
shell  gorgets,  one  engraved  shell,  one  shell  ornament, 
one  shell  pin,  one  bear  tooth  and  one  discoidal  stone  ; 


No.  62,  a  lump  of  red  paint,  a  number  of  shell  beads, 
four  shell  pins,  one  bear  tooth,  one  discoidal  stone 
and  one  ornamented  pot ;  No.  63,  one  broken  vessel 


86  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology 

with  animal  head ;  No.  66,  (child)  one  moccasin- 
shaped  pot,  four  copper  hawks '-bells  or  rattles  (Fig. 
25),  and  a  number  ot  shell  beads  ;  No.  68,  three  shell 
pins  and  one  ornamented  pot ;  No. 
71,  four  shell  pins,  a  number  of 
shell  beads,  ornamented  bowl  and 
lump  of  red  paint ;  No.  79  (child) , 
one  shell  mask  or  gorget,  one  en 
graved  shell,  a  number  of  shell 
beads  and  two  shell  pins ;  No.  81, 
two  ornamented  pots,  two  shell 
Fig.  25.  Copper  pins,  a  number  of  shell  beads  and  a 
hawk's-bell,  east  k  of  red  paint  .  No>  89  (child)  , 

Tennessee.  \ 

one  pot,  one  engraved  shell,  thirteen 
shell  pins,  one  plain  shell  gorget  and  eight  hundred 
and  forty-six  shell  beads  ;  No.  90,  one  bone  needle. 

As  we  find  no  skeleton  in  this  mound  accompanied 
by  a  much  greater  number  of  articles  than  the  others, 
it  may  be  a  fair  inference  that  no  chief  or  person  of 
pre-eminent  importance  in  the  tribe  was  buried  here. 
It  is  also  interesting  to  observe  the  evidence  of  affec 
tion  for  the  children  shown  by  the  number  of  articles 
buried  with  them. 

These  samples,  which,  of  course,  are  mounds  un- 
usally  rich  in  relics  and  remains,  and  can  not  be 
taken  as  types  of  burial  mounds  in  general,  will  serve 
to  show  the  relation  of  relics  to  the  skeletons. 

Referring  now  to  the  types  and  forms  of  the  vessels, 
implements,  ornaments  and  other  products  of  the 
mound-builders'  art,  attention  will  be  called  at  the 
same  time  to  the  geographical  distribution  of  some  of 
the  more  important  of  these.  It  is  chiefly  by  the 
range  of  the  leading  types  of  art  that  the  minor  cult- 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments  87 

ure  areas  can  be  outlined.  But  it  is  necessary  that 
we  should  bear  in  mind  that  these  lines  may  vary 
widely  from  the  ethnic  lines,  or  lines  which  mark  the 
boundaries  of  tribes  or  peoples.  And  this  is  un 
doubtedly  true  in  regard  to  some  of  the  leading  types 
of  the  minor  products  of  the  mound-builders'  art.  It 
is  found  in  the  range  of  some  types  of  pottery,  and 
also  in  the  range  of  the  carved  or  ornamented  shells 
which  have  already  been  incidentally  mentioned. 

Pottery. 

Although  the  potter's  wheel  was  a  contrivance  un 
known  to  aboriginal  America,  the  art  of  manufactur 
ing  pottery  was  not  only  known  to  the  more  advanced 
people  of  Central  and  South  America,  but  was  under 
stood  and  practiced  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  by  the 
prehistoric  tribes  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  mound- 
builders'  section.  However,  the  area  where  the  art 
was  chiefly  developed  is  that  named  by  Mr.  W.  II. 
Holmes,  the  chief  authority  on  ancient  American  pot 
tery,  "The  Middle  Mississippi  Province,"  embracing 
Arkansas,  south-eastern  Missouri,  southern  Illinois, 
Tennessee,  parts  of  Kentucky,  and  the  portion  of  In 
diana  bordering  the  W abash.  Both  north  and  south 
of  this  section  the  pottery  is  much  less  abundant ;  and 
especially  is  this  true  in  regard  to  the  regions  north 
ward,  being,  in  fact,  rare  in  some  areas.  This  division 
into  northern,  middle,  and  southern  provinces  is  not 
wholly  an  arbitrary  one,  as  it  represents  in  a  measure 
areas  of  different  types  of  the  fictile  art. 

In  Canada,  Michigan,  New  York,  and  extreme 
northern  Ohio,  substantially  the  same  types  as  to  ma 
terial,  form,  and  ornamentation  appear  to  have  pre- 


88  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

vailed  ;  however,  some  sections  of  the  area  mentioned 
are  not  represented  by  a  sufficient  number  of  speci 
mens  to  afford  an  entirely  satisfactory  comparison. 
The  method  of  preparing  the  paste  in  this  northern 
province  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  different 
from  that  followed  in  the  southern  and  middle  prov 
inces.  While  in  the  latter  it  was  customary  to  temper 
the  clay  chiefly  with  powdered  shells,  in  the  north, 
sand,  or,  as  Mr.  Boyle,  who  has  studied  the  Canadian 
pottery,  says,  burnt  gneiss  or  granite,  was  used  for 
this  purpose.  Mr.  Holmes  expresses  the  opinion  that 
the  northern  pottery  was  molded  in  hollows  of  suita 
ble  size  formed  in  sandy  soil.  Fig.  26  shows  one 

type  of  the  clay 
vessels  of  this  re 
gion.  Some,  at 
least,  of  the  ves 
sels  found  in  Iowa 
and  northern  Illi 
nois  appear  to  be 
long  to  the  same 
general  class.  The 
walls  are  gener 
ally  thick,  and  the 
Fig.  26.  Clay  vessel,  Canada.  .  f  ^ 

margin  of  the  rim 

usually  squared  off,  showing  the  full -thickness.  The 
clay  pots  of  Ontario  are  always  round-bottomed  ;  there 
are,  however,  occasional  exceptions  to  this  rule  found 
in  other  parts  of  this  northern  province. 

The  middle  province  was  pre-eminently  the  pottery 
manufacturing  region  of  the  mound-builders,  espe 
cially  that  portion  embraced  in  eastern  Arkansas, 
south-eastern  Missouri,  and  middle  Tennessee.  These 


Vessels,  Impalements  and  Ornaments.  89 

are  classed  under  the  following  comprehensive  types  : 
bowls,  pot-shaped  vessels,  wide-mouthed  bottles  or 
jars,  and  high-necked  bottles.  The  modification  of 
these  primary  forms  by  the  introduction  of  fanciful 
features  given  to  the  rim,  neck  or  body  is  almost  in 
finite,  a  few  only  of  which  can  be  represented  here. 

The.  bowls  vary  in  size  from  the  little  toy  vessel  an 
inch  in  diameter  and  depth  to  fully  twenty  inches 
across  the  top,  and  from  six  to  twelve  inches  in  depth. 
The  form  of  the  body  varies,  so  far  as  the  opening 
and  flare  is  concerned,  from  the  saucer  shape,  or  chop- 
ping-bowl  form,  to  the  globe  with  narrow  opening. 
The  fanciful  shapes  are  made  to  represent,  rudely,  va 
rious  animals,  protuberances  from  the  sides,  or  addi 
tions  to  the  rims  forming  the  head  and  tail  ;  nor  is  the 
human  form  entirely  omitted,  as  a  head  is  occasionally 
seen  on  the  rim.  A  few  of  these  are  represented  in 
outline  in  Fig.  27,  and  some  with  shading  and  orna 
mentation  in  Figs.  16,  28,  29,  30, 


D 


O 


Fig.  27.     Outline  figures  of  bowls. 


Fig.  28.     Ornamented  bowl,  Tennessee. 


90  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Fig.  29.     Animal-shaped  bowl,  Arkansas. 


Fig.  30.     Bird-shaped  bowl,  Arkansas. 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments. 


91 


The  Pot-shaped  Vessels. — Although  considered  here  as 
a  class,  vessels  of  this  type 
are  chiefly  transitional  forms 
between  the  globular  bowls 
and  wide-mouthed  bottles. 
However,  the  frequent  pres 
ence  of  ears,  and  certain  other 
features,  are  so  suggestive  of 
the  cooking  pot  that  the  name 
seems  appropriate.  They  are 
seldom,  if  ever,  furnished  Fl«- 31- 
with  fanciful  additions,  or 
marked  with  erratic  figures,  and  the  ornamentation  is 


Pot-shaped  vessel, 
Arkansas. 


Fig.  32.    Pot-shaped  vessel,  west  Tennessee. 


92  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

slight  and  confined  chiefly  to  the  neck.     Some  exam 
ples  bear  a  close   resemblance  to  northern  vessels  of 
the  same  class.     Two  are  shown  in  Figs.  31  and  32. 
The  Wide-mouthed  Bottles. — Vessels  of  this  class  vary 

in  form  from  the  glob- 
ular-snaPed    bowl,    or 
olla  to  the  true  bottle 
Fig.  33.     Wide-mouthed  bottles.          ghape.         The     typical 

forms  of  the  body,  as  given  by  Mr.  Holmes,  are  shown 
in  Fig.  33.     The  eccentricities  are  usually  in  the  shape 


Fig.  34<*.     Opossum  vase,  Arkansas. 

gisren  to  the  body,  as  the  neck,  which  is  sometimes 
merely  a  slightly  raised  rim,  is  generally  plain. 
Animal  forms  are  those  usually  adopted  in  these 
variations.  (Figs.  34,  a  and  b.) 

A  remarkable  vessel,  representing  the  human  head, 
is  shown  in  Fig.  35,  a  type,  of  which  some  two  or 
three  specimens  have  been  discovered.  There  is  cer 
tainly  nothing  strongly  suggestive  of  the  Indian 
physiognomy  in  either  of  these  ;  on  the  contrary,  the 
features  will  probably  be  taken  at  first  glance,  by 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments. 


93 


Fig.  34£.    Sunfish  vase,  Arkansas. 


Fig.  35.    Bowl  representing  the  human  head,  Arkansas. 


94 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


f=$- 


most  persons,  for  Africans.     Nevertheless,  the  more 

we  study  them  the  more 
doubtful  does  this  con 
clusion    become.      The 
nose   is   small  and  the 
nostrils    narrow.      The 
Fig.  36.    Winged  and  crested  rattle-  general    appearance    is 
snake  design,  Arkansas.  that  of  a  f emale .     All  in 

teresting  design  representing  a  winged  and  crested 
rattlesnake  taken  from  an  Arkansas  bottle  is  shown 
in  Fig.  36. 

Long-necked  Bottles. — These  form  the  chief  feature  of 
the   pottery  of   the   region  now  under  consideration, 

due  perhaps  in  part  to 
the  endless  variation, 
of  which  the  type  is 
susceptible.  Both  neck 
and  body  in  this  class 
are  modeled  ap 
parently  according  to 
individual  fancy 
rather  than  after  conventional  forms.  Although 
animal  figures  are  not  uncommon,  the  human  form, 
especially  that  of  the  female,  is  most  frequently  rep 
resented.  Outline  representations  of  some  of  the 
simple  forms  are  given  in  Fig.  37,  and  of  some  of  the 

eccentric  forms 
in  Fig.  38.  Some 
of  these  vessels 
were  furnished 
with  feet,  either 
three  knob -like, 
cylindrical  or  terraced  feet,  or  a  single  solid  or  per- 


Fig.  37.      Outline  figures  of  long- 
necked  bottles. 


Fig.  38.     Eccentric  shapes  in  long-necked 
bottles. 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments. 


95 


forated  foot.     The  specimen  shown  in  Fig.  39,  repre 
senting  an  owl,  is  interesting,  as  the   same  pattern 


Fig.  39.     Owl-shaped  bottle,  east  Tennessee, 
and  decoration  are  found  in  New  Mexico,  eastern  Ar 
kansas  and  eastern  Tennessee. 


96  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

There  is  no  apparent  reason  why  we  may  not 
assume  that  the  making  of  pottery  began  in  this 
division  coeval  with  the  commencement  of  mound- 
building.  Is  there  any  reason  to  believe  the  manu 
facture  had  been  discontinued  when  Europeans 
appeared  on  the  scene?  It  is  well  known  that  the 
Indians  of  the  Gulf  States  and  south  Atlantic  coast 
were  making  pottery  when  visited  by  the  early  ex 
plorers.  The  Gentleman  of  Elvas,  one  of  the  chroni 
clers  of  De  Soto's  expedition,  declares  that  the  vessels 
of  earthenware  used  by  the  natives  (apparently 
alluding  to  the  region  of  eastern  Arkansas) ,  differed 
little  in  quality  from  the  Spanish  ware.  DuPratz, 
alluding  to  the  same  region,  says  :  "The  women  make 
pots  of  an  extraordinary  size,  jars  with  medium-sized 
openings,  bowls,  two-pint  bottles  with  long  necks, 
pots  or  jugs  containing  bear's  oil,  which  hold  as  much 
as  forty  pints,  and  finally  plates  and  dishes  in  the 
French  fashion."  And  other  writers  speak  of  the 
Indians  of  the  south  making  pottery  down  to  compari- 
tively  modern  times.  DuPratz  also  speaks  of  their 
coloring  vessels  red.  Now,  it  is  apparent  that  we  have 
in  these  notices  mention  of  the  same  kinds  of  vessels 
as  are  found  in  southern  mounds,  even  to  the  coloring, 
for  this  is  often  present  on  pottery  from  Arkansas  and 
south-eastern  Missouri. 

If  vessels  were  made  in  great  numbers  within  the 
historic  period  in  the  same  region  as  those  found  in 
the  mounds,  "it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,"  as  Mr. 
Holmes  says,  "that  they  belonged  to  the  great  group 
of  those  under  discussion.  If  not,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  seek  the  cause  of  their  total  disappearance,  since, 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments. 


97 


as  I  have  said,  the  pottery  of  this  district,  as  shown 
by  the  relics,  is  practically  a  unit.'1 

The  Gulf  Province. — As  the  pottery  of  this  province 
bears  a  strong  resemblance  in  form 
to  that  of  the  middle  section,  we 
will  notice  here  only  two  or  three 
types,  which  in  form  or  decoration 
present  different  features  from  those 
described.  The  most  remarkable  of 
these  is  the  so-called  "  burial  urn," 
found  in  some  mounds  of  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina,  one  of  which  is 
shown  in  Fig.  40.  Some  of  these  are 
the  largest  vessels  made  by  the  Fig.  40.  Burial  urn, 
mound-builders,  unless  the  supposed  Georgia, 

salt-pans,  of  which  no  complete 
specimen  has  been  found,  'exceed 
them  in  size.  The  moccasin-shaped 
pot,  of  which  one  or  two  specimens 
have  been  found,  is  a  very  rare 

,  ATA,  «          <  T^-  Fig-  41-     VeSSel 

form.     The  vessel  shown  in  Fig.  41     four  lcgs>  Georgia 
bears    a     close     resemblance    to     the 
modern  iron  pot,  being  furnished  with  four  legs,  which 
is  unusual  in  mound  pottery. 

Notwithstanding  the  frequent  mention,  in  works  re 
lating  to  prehistoric  America,  of  the  vessels  found  in 
"Ohio  mounds  by  Messrs.  Squier  and  Davis,  ancient 
pottery  is  rare  in  that  state.  Mr.  Moorehead,  who 
has  done  much  exploring  in  the  state,  remarks  that 
"pottery  is  very  rare  in  the  tumuli  of  any  section  of 
Ohio;"  however,  the  area  about  Madisonville  appears 
to  be  an  exception  to  this  rule. 
7 


98  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Pipes. 

.  Judging  by  the  number  of  pipes  which  have  been 
found  in  mounds  and  graves,  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  this  division  must  have  been  sturdy  smokers. 
However,  the  distribution  of  these  articles  is  by  no 
means  uniform,  as  they  are  comparatively  rare  in 
some  sections  and  abundant  in  others.  This  distribu 
tion,  if  thoroughly  worked  out,  even  with  the  mate 
rials  so  far  obtained,  would  furnish  valuable  hints  as 
to  culture  areas  and  ethnic  relations.  It  is  noticeable 
that  their  distribution  does  not  correspond  with  that 
of  the  pottery;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  usually 
more  abundant  in  the  regions  where  earthenware 
vessels  are  comparatively  rare,  and  of  less  frequent 
occurrence  in  the  great  pottery  section.  They  consti 
tute  a  marked  feature  of  the  archaeological  collections 
of  Canada  and  some  other  portions  of  the  northern 
area;  also  of  eastern  Iowa,  northern  Illinois,  Ohio, 
and  what  may  be  termed  the  Cherokee,  or  Appalachian 
district.  They  are  rare  in  Arkansas  and  south-eastern 
Missouri;  somewhat  more  common,  though  by  no 
mean  abundant,  in  middle  Tennessee  and  the  Gulf 
States. 

Articles  of  this  class  were  made  of  clay  or  carved 
out  of  slate,  soapstone,  marble,  or  other  stone.  The 
variety  of  forms  which  individual  fancy  has  intro 
duced  is  almost  endless,  yet  it  is  possible  that  they 
may,  omitting  from  consideration  the  ornamentation 
and  fanciful  figures,  be  classed  in  a  general  way  under 
the  following  types: 

The  stemless  pipe,  consisting  simply  of  a  bowl  with 
an  opening  for  the  stem.  Some  of  the  simpler  forms 
of  this  type  are  shown  in  outline  in  Fig.  42  (a,  b). 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments.  99 

Of  these,  a  and  b  are  found  almost  exclusively  in  the 
northern  section,  and  are  known  to  have  been  in  use 
among  the  Indians.  Usually  they  are  simple  bowls, 
cylindrical,  ovoid,  or  flaring  at  the  top,  or  curved  in 
the  form  shown  in  a,  and  more  or  less  ornamented; 
others  represent  the  human  form,  or  animal  figure,  or 


Fig.  42.    Stemless  pipes.  Fig.  43.    Image  pipe,  Georgia. 

some  grotesque  shape.  Although  pipes  of  this  type 
are  rare  in  the  middle  and  southern  districts,  that 
shown  at  Fig.  43  appears  to  have  been  a  somewhat 
favorite  form  with  the  Georgia  mound-builders,  and 
has  also  been  found  in  middle  Tennessee. 

There  is  another  stemless  type,  which,  though  of 
rare  occurrence,  should  not  be  omitted  from  this  brief 
summary.  Specimens  have  been  found,  so  far  as 
known,  only  in  Arkansas,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi. 
They  are  of  large  size,  varying  from  three  to  five 
inches  in  length,  and  from  two  to  four  in  height. 
These  usually  represent  a  crouching;  panther-like  ani 
mal,  or  a  man  in  the  same  position  (Fig.  44).  It  is 
possible  they  were  only  used  as  ceremonial  objects, 
and  hence  considered  public  property.  If  this  were 


100  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology 


Fig.  44.    Image  pipe,  Arkansas. 


Fig.  45.    Short-necked  pipes. 


Vessels,  Implements  and  Ornaments.  101 

so,  it  is  not  likely  they  would  have  been  buried  except 
on  some  unusual  and  memorable  occasion.  They  are 
carved  out  of  stone. 

Another  type  or  class  is  the  short-necked  pipe. 
The  primary  or  typical  forms  are  seen  in  the  figure 
(Fig.  4$,  a,  b,  f).  These  appear  to  present  three  varie 
ties:  the  upright  square  bowl,  the  upright  round, 
and  the  slanting  bowl.  The  eccentric  forms  of  this 
type  are  not  numerous,  consisting  chiefly  of  a  modifi 
cation  of  the  bowl  to  represent  a  human  or  animal 
head.  They  are  found  both  of  stone  and  clay. 

A    fourth    type    is    the    so-called    "monitor    pipe," 
in  which   the   peculiar  feature   is   the   broad,    flat,   and 
usually   slightly   curved   base   or   stem,   which   projects 
beyond  the  bowl  generally  to  an  extent  equal  to  the 
perforated  end   (Fig. 
46).      They    are    va 
ried     indefinitely     by 
the   addition   of   ani 
mal    and    other    fea 
tures,  these  modifica 
tions  being  confined 

,  .    n  .        .         .  Fig.  46.    Monitor  pipe, 

chiefly   to   the   bowl. 

The  typical  forms  are  confined  chiefly  to  Ohio  and  the 
region  of  eastern  Iowa  and  the  adjoining  portion  of 
Illinois.  A  slightly  modified  form  has  been  found  in 
Canada,  New  York,  Massachusetts,  West  Virginia, 
and  middle  Tennessee.  They  are  found  only  of  stone, 
usually  slate  or  steatite. 

The  long  stem  pipe,  or  rather  pipe  with  a  distinct 
stem,  forms  a  fifth  type.  This  type  has  been  found  very 
rarely,  except  in  the  northern  and  Appalachian  dis 
tricts;  and  the  forms  in  these  two  sections  are  quite 


102          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

distinct.  Those  of  the  northern  section  are  of  clay, 
those  of  the  southern  always  of  stone,  usually  soap- 
stone.  Mr.  Boyle  says  the  method  of  forming  the 
Canada  pipes  of  this  class  was  to  model  the  clay 
round  a  flexible  twig  or  thong,  one  end  of  which  en 
tered  the  base  of  the  bowl,  and  which,  being  allowed 
to  remain  there,  disappeared  during  the  burning 
process. 

A  sixth  class  is  that  embracing  the  elongate  animal 
figures  with  the  bowl  on  the  back.  The  animal  is 
sometimes  a  bird,  sometimes  a  wolf,  fox,  or  other 
quadruped,  with  legs  drawn  up  against  the  sides  of 
the  body.  Some  are  of  very  large  size,  and  many  of 
doubtful  antiquity.  They  are  all  of  stone,  and  are 
confined  chiefly  to  Tennessee  and  the  Gulf  States. 

A  few  specimens  of  the  tubular  pipe  have  been 
found  in  the  Atlantic  division,  but  these  have  been 
apparently  introduced,  or  they  are  simply  tubes  hav 
ing  somewhat  the  form  of  the  Pacific  or  California 
type.  There  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  a  pipe  of 
this  form  was  ever  in  use  in  the  Atlantic  division. 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  103 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ARTICLES    OF    SHELL,    COPPER,    AND    OTHER    MATERIALS. 

Shells  appear  to  have  been  used  quite  extensively 
among"  the  mound-builders  as  implements  and  orna 
ments  and  probably  as  a  medium  of  exchange. 

We  have  already  noticed  the  fact  that  pulverized 
shells  were  used  in  tempering  clay  which  was  to  be 
manufactured  into  pottery.  It  is  probable  that 
bivalve  shells  were  used  as  scrapers  in  dressing  hides, 
and  to  a  limited  extent  as  agricultural  implements, 
as  it  is  known  that  such  use  was  made  of  them  by 
the  Indians  along  the  southern  coast.  As  they  were 
not  carved,  it  is  probable  they  were  not  considered 
of  sufficient  value  to  accompany  the  dead.  Never 
theless,  it  is  not  a  very  unusual  thing  to  find  unwrought 
shells  in  mounds. 

The  use  of  certain  large  univalves,  especially  the 
Bnsycon  pcrvcrsum,  as  drinking  cups,  probably  on 
ceremonial  occasions,  seems  to  have  been  somewhat 
general  in  the  southern  section,  and  not  entirely  un 
known  further  north.  Specimens  of  the  species 
named  have  been  found  as  far  north  as  the  head 
waters  of  the  Mississippi  river..  The  specimen  shown 
in  the  figure  is  from  an  Arkansas  mound.  (Fig.  47.) 
Mr.  Holmes,  in  his  paper  entitled  "Art  in  Shell," 
Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology,  figures  a  number  of  shells  which  he 


104 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


thinks  were  used  as  spoons  or  ladles.     Most  of  these 
were  made  from  the  left  valves  of  Unios. 


i*'ig.  47.    Engraved  shell,  Arkansas. 

Much  the  larger  portion  of  the  articles  of  shell 
found  in  mounds  and  ancient  graves  consists  of  those 
which  have  been  used  as  ornaments. 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  105 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  shell  pin,  and  an  ex 
ample  shown  in  Fig.  17;  another  form  with  a  smaller 
head  is  frequently  found.  Various  suggestions  as  to 
the  use  of  these  articles  have  been  presented,  but  it  is 
probable  the  following  quotation  from  Dumont's 
"Memoires  Historique  Louisiana"  will  give  the  cor 
rect  explanation: 

''There  are  still  to  be  seen  on  the  seashore  beautiful 
shells  made  by  snails  (or  limacon),  which  are  called 
burgaux;  they  are  very  useful  for  making  handsome 
tobacco  boxes,  for  they  bear  their  mother-of-pearl  with 
them.  It  is  of  these  burgaux  that  the  native  women 
make  their  ear-rings.  For  this  purpose  they  take  the 
end  of  it  which  they  rub  a  long  time  on  hard  stones, 
and  thus  give  it  the  form  of  a  nail  furnished  with  a 
head,  in  order  that  when  they  place  them  in  their 
ears,  they  will  be  held  by  this  kind  of  pivot.  For 
these  savages  have  much  larger  holes  in  their  ears 
than  our  Frenchmen;  the  thumb  could  be  passed 
through  them,  however  large  it  might  be.  The  sav 
ages  also  wear  around  the  neck  plates  made  of  pieces 
of  these  shells,  which  are  shaped  in  the  same  manner 
on  stones,  and  which  they  form  into  round  or  oval 
pieces  of  about  three  or  four  inches  in  diameter. 
They  are  then  pierced  near  the  edge  by  means  of  fire 
and  used  as  ornaments." 

It  is  evident  from  this  that  they  were  worn  in  the 
ears;  whether  used  in  any  other  way  is  a  mere  surmise. 

In  the  same  quotation  mention  is  made  of  the  shell 
gorget,  the  most  elegant  of  the  shell  ornaments.  One 
type  has  already  been  noticed  and  figured  (Fig.  18). 
This  has  engraved  on  it  what  appears,  from  the  num 
ber  of  specimens  bearing  the  same  figure  found  in 


106          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


different  sections,  to  be  a  conventionalized  representa 
tion    of   the    rattlesnake,    to    which    was    probably    at 
tached   some    sacred,    talismanic    or   superstitious    sig 
nification.     Shell  gorgets  are  found  with  various  other 
designs    engraved    upon    them.      Another    somewhat 
common  form  is  shown  in  Fig. 
48.     This  form  appears  to  have 
been   confined    to    what    is    now 
middle  Tennessee.     A  few  have 
been  discovered  bearing  designs 
which    are    strongly    suggestive 
of    Mexican    or    Central    Ameri 
can    origin;    one    of   these    from 
Fig.  48.   Shell  gorget,  Ten-  the  Etowah  mound,  Georgia,  is 
nessee.  shown  in  Fig.  49.     Another  in- 


Fig.  49.    Shell  gorget,  Georgia. 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc,.  107 

teresting  variety  is  that  bearing  the  figure  of  a  spider. 
The  few  specimens  of  the  latter  which  have  been  dis 
covered  are  mostly  from  southern  Illinois  and  south 
eastern  Missouri,  one  coming  from  eastern  Tennessee. 

Another  class  of  shell  ornaments  represents  more 
or  less  distinctly  the  human  face.  They  are  supposed 
to  have  been  used  as  masks.  These  have  been  dis 
covered  in  greatest  abundance  in  the  mounds  of  Ten 
nessee,  but  their  range  is  quite  wide,  examples  having 
been  reported  from  Kentucky,  Virginia,  Illinois,  Mis 
souri  and  Arkansas,  and  a  somewhat  different  type 
from  Alabama,  Georgia  and  New  York. 

The  class  of  shell  articles  found  in  greatest  abun 
dance  is  that  including  the  various  types  of  beads. 
The  simplest  form  is  the  perforated  small  univalve, 
the  species  most  commonly  used  being  the  Marginella, 
Oliva,  and  Cyprea.  One  of  the  most  common  varieties 
is  the  discoidal  or  button-shaped  bead  with  a  hole 
through  the  middle.  The  cylindrical  form  is  also  of 
frequent  occurrence.  Articles  of  this  class  appear  to 
have  been  in  use  among  the  mound-builders  of  almost 
every  part  of  the  Atlantic  division;  however,  they  are 
of  most  frequent  occurrence  in  the  middle  and  south 
ern  provinces.  The  extensive  use  of  shell  beads  or 
"wampum"  as  currency  among  the  Indians  of  the 
Atlantic  coast  is  a  well-known  historic  fact  that  re 
quires  no  proof  here.  That  this  custom  should  have 
been  brought  about  by  Europeans  at  the  early  date  it 
is  known  to  have  been  in  vogue,  is  simply  impossible, 
as  it  is  spoken  of  as  a  native  custom  by  the  first  navi 
gators  who  visited  the  continent.  It  is  therefore  a 
reasonable  presumption  that  it  had  come  down  from 
prehistoric  times. 


108          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Perforated  fresh-water  pearls  have  been  found  in 
large  numbers  in  a  few  Ohio  mounds,  and  specimens 
have  been  occasionally  unearthed  in  other  sections. 

Textile  fabrics. 

That  cloth  was  manufactured  to  a  considerable  ex 
tent  by  the  mound-builders  has  now  been  demon 
strated  by  incontestable  evidence.  It  has  been  found 
in  several  instances  attached  to  copper  articles, 
around  which  it  had  been  wrapped  and  by  which  it 
was  preserved.  Examples  of  this  kind  have  been 
discovered  in  eastern  Iowa,  Illinois,  Ohio  and 
Georgia,  and  probably,  elsewhere.  Cloth  has  also 
been  found  in  caves  of  Kentucky,  in  some  instances 
with  mummified  or  desiccated  bodies.  A  fine  exam 
ple  was  obtained  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnol 
ogy  from  a  cave  deposit  of  eastern  Tennessee.  Ac 
companying  this  was  an  almost  complete  mat,  with 
the  submarginal  stripe  quite  distinct.  The  burial  in 
this  case  was  apparently  comparatively  recent,  but 
the  tissue  of  the  cloth  and  the  accompanying  bone 
needles  are  precisely  of  the  type  of  some  of  the 
mound  articles.  Remains  of  charred  cloth  have  also 
been  discovered  in  mounds.  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes  has 
clearly  demonstrated  that  many  of  the  designs  on 
mound  pottery  have  resulted  from  the  pressure  01 
cloth  on  the  surface  while  the  vessel  was  yet  compara 
tively  soft.  Probably  the  vessels  had  been  wrapped 
in  cloth  to  keep  them  in  shape.  By  taking  impres 
sions  in  clay  from'  these  he  has  been  enabled  to  give 
various  patterns  of  meshes  and  cord. 

Matting  was  probably  in  common  use  among  the 
mound-builders,  but,  like  cloth,  being  subject  to  early 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  109 

decay  when  buried  in  the  soil,  comparatively  few 
specimens  have  been  discovered.  Reed  matting  was 
found  in  connection  with  the  copper  articles  of  the 
Etowah  mound  of  Georgia,  hereafter  mentioned.  A 
somewhat  remarkable  discovery  was  made  by  the 
agent  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  in  an 
Arkansas  mound.  This  was  a  laver  of  burnt  matting 

C5 

three  inches  thick,  lying  immediately  under  a  layer 
of  burnt  clay  some  six  inches  thick.  This  layer,  for 
a  considerable  space,  consisted  entirely  of  burnt  mat 
ting,  through  which  were  scattered  parched  or  burnt 
grains  of  corn.  The  mound  in  which  this  discovery 
was  made  is  a  large  one. 

Copper  articles. 

Copper  appears  to  have  been  used  to  a  limited  ex 
tent  in  almost  every  part  of  the  mound  division. 
Although  it  is  probable  that  more  articles  of  this  class 
have  been  collected  in  Wisconsin  than  in  any  other 
district,  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  statement  will 
apply  to  specimens  obtained  from  mounds,  excluding 
those  pertaining  to  intrusive  burials.  Numbers  have 
been  discovered  in  mounds  of  Iowa,  Illinois,  and 
West  Virginia;  also  in  mounds  and  stone  graves  of 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  North  Carolina,  and  northern 
Georgia. 

Implements  of  this  class  appear  in  considerable 
numbers  among  the  archaeological  collections  of  Can 
ada,  consisting  chiefly  of  arrow-points,  spear-heads, 
adzes,  celts,  and  knife-blades.  But  copper  ornaments 
appear  to  be  comparatively  rare  in  this  section,  and 
consist  chiefly  of  beads.  Some  of  the  knife-blades 
bear  such  a  strong  resemblance  to  those  of  European 


110          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

make  as  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  they  are  post- 
Columbian. 

One  of  the  most  important  finds  of  copper  articles 
in  an  Ohio  mound  was  that  made  by  Mr.  W.  K. 
Moorehead  in  the  Hopewell  mound,  Ross  county.  At 
the  head  of  what  appeared  to  be  the  principal  person 
age  buried  here,  were  imitation  elk-horns,  neatly 
made  of  wood  and  covered  with  sheet  copper  rolled 
into  cylindrical  form  over  the  prongs.  These  meas 
ured  twenty-two  inches  in  length,  and  were  fitted  to  a 
copper  cap  or  covering  over  the  skull.  This  is  cer 
tainly  a  unique  specimen,  as  no  other  similar  article 
has  been  found.  However,  wooden  ear-ornaments 
overlaid  with  copper  have  been  discovered  in  a  stone 
grave  in  a  mound  of  southern  Illinois  and  in  an  Ohio 
mound,  and  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore  makes  mention  of 
them  in  his  splendid  work  on  the  sand  mounds  of 
Florida.  Copper-covered  wooden  spools  were  ob 
tained  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  from 
the  Holloway  mound,  eastern  Georgia. 

In  addition  to  the  gorgeous  copper  head-gear  of  the 
chief  personage  of  the  Hopewell  tumulus,  there  were 
copper  plates  on  the  breast  and  stomach,  also  at  the 
back.  The  copper  had  preserved  the  bones  and  a  few 
of  the  sinews,  also  traces  of  cloth  similar  to  coffee- 
sacking  in  texture.  Copper  spool-shaped  objects  and 
other  articles  were  also  found  with  this  skeleton.  It 
is  worthy  of  notice  in  passing,  that  the  skulls  of  this 
and  of  some  other  mounds  of  the  group  were  of  two 
types,  the  long-head  (dolichocephalic)  and  short-head 
(brachycephalic);  a  fact  also  true  of  one  of  the  tumuli 
of  Caldwell  county,  North  Carolina. 

One  of  the  most  important  and   puzzling  series   of 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  Ill 

copper  articles  found  in  the  entire  division  is  that  ob 
tained  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  from  the 
Etowah  group  of  Bartow  county,  Georgia.*  These 
consist  of  thin,  even  plates  of  copper,  with  impressed 
figures,  some  of  which  remind  us  of  Mexican  designs 
(Fig.  50).  Another  was  that  of  a  bird  of  the  same 


Fig.  50.    Figured  copper  plate,  Georgia. 


*  This  group  is  frequently  referred  to  by  writers  as  '  'on  the  farm 
of  Col.  Tumlin." 


112 


Study  of  NortJi  American  Archaeology. 


type  as  one  discovered  by  Maj.  J.  W.  Powell  near 
Peoria,  Illinois  (Fig.  51).  Other  plates  of  the  former 
type  were  discovered  in  a  mound  of  Richmond  county, 
Georgia;  another,  with  dancing  figures,  in  a  stone 
grave  of  southern  Illinois  (Fig.  52).  The  skeleton  of 


Fig.  51.    Figured  copper  plate, 
Illinois. 


Fig.  52.    Figured  copper 
plate,  Illinois. 


the  Etowah  group,  with  which  the  plates  were  found, 
was  in  a  box-shaped  stone  sepulcher,  and  indicated  a 
man  of  almost  giant  stature,  being  seven  feet  long. 
The  head  rested  on  the  copper  plate  shown  in  Fig.  50. 
This  copper  had  been  wrapped  in  buckskin,  and 
around  this  had  been  wound  cane  matting. 

Other  types  of  copper  articles  found  in  mounds  and 
ancient  graves  are  celts,  so-called  axes,  beads,  disks, 
gorgets,  spindles,  ear-pendants,  rings,  bracelets,  etc. 
The  celts,  axes,  gorgets,  spindles,  some  of  the  beads, 
and  most  of  the  bracelets,  show  very  clearly  that  they 
have  been  beaten  out  of  malleable  copper  with  the 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  113 

rude  implements  of  the  natives.  But  some  of  the 
beads,  ear-pendants,  and  bracelets,  and  also  some  of 
the  plates,  are  formed  from  sheet  copper,  as  smooth 
and  even  as  that  of  European  manufacture. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  most  of  this  copper,  which 
was  not  introduced  by  Europeans,  was  obtained  from 
the  Lake  Superior  mines.  Some  was  possibly  ob 
tained  from  drift  copper.  Nor  is  there  any  reason 
for  attributing  the  mining  or  working  of  this  copper 
to  any  other  people  than  the  Indians.  Prof.  R.  L. 
Packard,  an  expert  mining  chemist,  who  is  personally 
familiar  with  the  mines  of  the  Lake  Superior  region, 
and  who  has  thoroughly  studied  all  the  facts  bearing 
on  the  history  of  these  mines,  comes  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  ancient  work  done  in  them  was  done  by  the 
native  Indians.  In  fact,  he  shows  by  positive  histo 
rical  evidence  that  precisely  such  work  as  was  done 
by  the  ancient  workmen  in  the  mines  of  Keweenaw 
Point,  Ontonagon  and  Isle  Royale  has  been  done  by 
Indians,  but  he  warns  us  that  the  word  "mining,"  as 
used  in  this  connection,  is  not  to  be  taken  in  its  true 
and  technical  sense,  as  there  is  no  evidence  that  more 
was  done  in  prehistoric  times  than  simply  to  expose 
the  copper  masses  and  beat  off  from  these  such  par 
ticles  as  they  could  with  their  rude  implements.  In 
some  cases  they  heated  the  mass  by  building  a  fire 
on  it,  and  then  suddenly  cooled  it  by  throwing  cold 
water  over  it. 

Articles  of  stone. 

As  it  is  not  possible  in  this  brief  survey  to  mention 
all  the  types  of  the  minor  art  products  found  in  con- 
8 


114          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


nection  with  the  antiquities  of  the  mound-builder, 
only  the  typical  and  more  important  of  this  class  will 
be  alluded  to,  it  being  assumed  that  the  reader  is 
more  or  less  familiar  with  the  forms  of  the  chipped 
stones. 

The  most  important  of  the  class  are  the  human 
images,  of  which,  however,  but  fewr  have  been  dis 
covered,  and  these  are  confined,  geographically,  to 
Georgia,  Tennessee,  and  southern  Illinois.  One  found 
by  the  side  of  a  skeleton  lying  in  a  boat-shaped  vessel 
of  clay  in  a  mound  of  eastern  Tennessee  is  shown  in 


Fig.  53.    Stone  image,  Ten 
nessee. 


Fig.  54.    Stone  image,  Tennes 
see. 


Fig.    53.      Another  was   plowed   up   near   the    Etowah 
mounds  representing  a  sitting  female;  it  is  of  peculiar 


Articles  of  Shell,  Copper,  etc.  115 

interest  as  showing  the  same  type  and  apparently  one 
method  of  arranging  the  hair.  Another  similar,  but 
male,  image  has  recently  been  discovered  in  Tennes 
see,  the  lower  parts  of  which  are  more  perfectly 
worked  out  (Fig.  54).  With  the  exception  of  one 
found  in  Union  county,  Illinois,  and  fragments  of 
others  obtained  from  the  Etowah  group,  Georgia,  the 
other  examples  are  from  middle  Tennessee. 

In  most  of  these,  the  oblique  or  sloping  face  indi 
cates  a  modeling  after  the  artificially  flattened  head. 
Another  noticeable  fact  is  the  strong  similarity  in 
facial  type  of  a  majority  of  the  specimens.  This  is 
true  of  one  found  at  Etowah,  Georgia,  four  from  mid 
dle  Tennessee,  one  from  Kentucky,  and  one  found  in 
southern  Illinois.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that,  with 
one  exception,  the  images  found  in  the  mound  section 
have  been  obtained  from  the  stone  grave  area. 

Another  class  of  stone  articles  supposed  to  have 
been  used  for  ceremonial  purposes,  and  to  which  the 
name  "banner  stones"  has  been  applied,  is  repre 
sented  by  the  types  shown  in  Fig.  55.  A  series  of 


Fig.  55.    Banner  stones. 

outline  forms  of  the  various  types  of  arrow-heads  of 
America,  as  prepared  by  Mr.  Henry  C.  Mercer  for  the 
Columbian  Exposition  at  Madrid,  is  shown  in  Fig.  56. 
Of  these,  Nos.  1-29  are  from  the  United  States;  30-34, 


116 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Nicaragua;  35-42,  Uruguay;  43-48,  Argentine  Con 
federation;  49-50,  Alaska;  51-53,  Costa  Rica;  54-58, 
Greenland;  59-64,  U.  S.  of  Colombia;  65-67,  Alaska; 


Fig.  56.    Arrow  heads. 

68-92,  Mexico;  93-94,  Patagonia;  and  95-97,  Brazil 
It  is  impossible,  however,  to  present  even  a  summary 
of  the  types  of  this  class  of  articles  in  our  allotted 
space. 


Inclosiires,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  117 


CHAPTER  IX. 

INCLOSURES,  PYRAMIDAL  MOUNDS,  ETC. 

The  monuments  of  this  section  which  have  at 
tracted  most  attention  are  the  pyramidal  mounds  and 
the  inclosures,  especially  the  latter,  which  in  some 
instances  embrace  an  area  sufficient  for  a  large  sized 
native  town  or  army  camp.  It  is  chiefly  because  of 
these  works,  which  remind  one  of  the  pyramids  of 
Egypt  and  fortifications  of  the  old  world,  that  the 
theory  of  a  cultivated,  mound-building  race  distinct 
from  the  Indian  and  now  extinct,  gained  adherents. 
Xor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at  when  the  size  and  ex 
tent  of  some  of  these  works  and  the  aversion  of  the 
lordly  savage  of  modern  times  to  physical  labor  are 
taken  into  consideration. 

The  pyramidal  mounds,  as  heretofore  stated,  are  con 
fined  almost  exclusively  to  the  southern  section,  few  oc 
curring  north  of  the  Ohio  river.  As  already  defined, 
these  are  usually  quadrangular  in  form,  either  square 
or  oblong,  though  a  few  circular  ones  in  the  form  of 
a  truncated  cone  have  been  found.  Comparatively 
few.  especially  of  the  larger  ones,  have  been  thor 
oughly  explored.  Although  some  of  those  which 
have  been  examined  are  found  to  have  been  used  as 
burial-places,  yet,  as  a  general  rule,  there  are  indi 
cations  that  they  have  been  surmounted  by  one  or 
more  edifices  of  some  kind.  And  this  is  apparently 
true  of  them  even  where  used  as  depositories  of  the 


118          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


dead.  In  some  instances  the  remains  of  the  upright 
wooden  posts  which  formed  the  supports  of  the  walls 
of  the  building  are  discovered;  in  others  the  evidence 
is  found  in  the  burnt  clay  with  which  the  buildings 
were  plastered,  which  has  been  frequently  referred  to 
by  writers  as  "bricks."  In  some 
cases,  only  fire-beds  and  fragments 
of  pottery  have  been  found,  but 
the  experience  of  explorers  has  in 
most  cases  enabled  them  to  decide 
that  these  were  cooking  places, 
hence  in  or  near  the  dwelling  or 
wigwam.  This  conclusion  is  sup 
ported  by  the  historical  evidence 
M^S^^Wl  mentioned  hereafter,  that  they 

/    yjjwM^^'i  I  -S     were   occupied  in  the   Gulf  States 
I      I  /Ai     "rt     by  the  houses  of  the  caciques  and 

of  the  leading  men,  and  by  tem 
ples  or  council  houses. 

The    terraced    mounds    of    this 
type  are  those  having  terraces,  or 
apron-like  extensions  running  out 
from  one  or  two  sides,  sometimes 
equaling    or    exceeding    in    length 
and  width  the  mound  itself.     Some 
times    a    graded    way    or    inclined 
pathway    runs    up    from    a    point 
some  distance  outside  of  the  base 
to  the  upper  level.     In  one  or  two 
instances   this   graded   way   is   car 
ried  upward  along  one  face   (Fig.   57),  but  usually  it 
is   placed    at    right    angles    to    one    side.      Mr.    R.    B. 
Evans,  who  made  some  explorations  in  Arkansas  on 


Inclosures,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  119 

behalf  of  the  Chicago  Times,  discovered  a  mound  which, 
from    his    figure    (Fig.    58),    appears    to    have    had    a 


Fig.  58.    Double-terraced  mound,  Arkansas. 

'double  terrace  or  terrace  in  two  steps.  No  pyramidal 
mound,  however,  of  the  typical  form  —  that  is,  with 
successive  stages  —  has  been  discovered  in  this  division. 
Several  instances  occur  where  the  main  pyramidal 
structure  is  surmounted  by  a  small  conical  tumulus. 
Examples  of  this  type  have  been  found  in  Indiana, 
south-eastern  Missouri  and  Arkansas.  The  celebrated 
Selsertown  mound  of  Adams  county,  Mississippi,  of 
which  frequent  mention  is  made  in  works  on  archae 
ology,  appears  to  be  an  artificially-flattened  natural 
elevation,  the  sides  of  which  have  been  extended  by 
additions  to  bring  the  contour  to  the  desired  form. 
This  bears  on  its  upper  surface  four  conical  mounds, 
one  of  which  is  of  considerable  size,  "being  thirty-one 
feet  in  height.  It  is  stated  that  seven  other  mounds  of 
small  size  formerly  existed  on  its  surface,  but  a  care 
ful  examination  by  the  agents  of  the  Bureau  of  Ameri 
can  Ethnology  led  to  the  conclusion  that  these  were 
slightly  elevated  house-sites  which  have  been  oblit 
erated  by  the  plow,  as  numerous  fragments  of  burnt 
clay  plastering  (frequently  spoken  of  as  "bricks") 


120  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

were  found  at  the  points  they  are  said  to  have  occu 
pied.     (Fig.  59.) 


Inclosures,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  121 

Indosnrcs  and  other  Mural  Works. 

Under  the  term  ''Inclosures"  are  generally  in 
cluded  not  only  those  works  consisting  of  completely 
surrounding  walls  of  earth  or  stone,  but  also  defensive 
and  partially  surrounding  walls  thrown  across  necks 
of  land  in  the  bends  of  rivers  or  shore  lines  of  lakes, 
or  built  in  the  rear  of  projecting  bluffs  where  the  de 
clivity  forms  a  natural  defense  in  the  front  and  on  the 
sides. 

Although  pyramidal  mounds  are  seldom  found  else 
where  than  on  the  rich  level  lands,  inclosures  have  a 
much  wider  topographical  range,  occurring  not  only 
on  the  alluvial  levels,  but  frequently  forming  de 
fensive  works  on  bluff  headlands  and  elevated  points, 
and  here  and  there  encircling  the  summit  of  an 
isolated  hill.  So  apparent  is  it  that  the  works  of 
this  class  found  on  the  elevated  localities  were  built 
for  defensive  purposes,  that  the  name  "hill  forts" 
has  been  applied  to  them. 

As  a  general  rule,  inclosures  are  irregular  in  out 
line,  the  form  being  governed  more  or  less  by  the 
topography  or  some  local  condition.  There  are  neces 
sarily  few,  if  any,  exceptions  to  this  rule  among  the 
"hill  forts,"  as  the  outlines  of  these  are  governed 
wholly  by  the  topographical  features;  but  of  those  on 
level  areas,  several  of  the  Ohio  works,  and  here  and 
there  one  of  the  New  York,  Indiana,  Michigan  and 
Iowa  inclosures,  present  quite  regular  figures,  a  few 
of  those  in  Ohio  conforming  with  remarkable  pre 
cision  to  true  geometrical  figures.  The  latter  are 
circular,  square  and  octagonal;  one  or  two  of  those 
in  Indiana  are  of  the  square  or  parallelogram  form, 


122          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the   others   are   circular,   or  polygonal.     They  vary  in 


extent  from  an  area  of  an  acre  or  less  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  acres.     In  order  that  the  reader  may  judge 


Inclosnrcs,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc. 


123 


for  himself  as  to  the  approximation  of  some  of  the 
Ohio  inclosures  to  true  geometrical  figures,  the 
measurements  of  one  taken  under  the  direction  of  the 
author  are  given  here.  This,  known  as  the  "Obser 
vatory  Circle,"  of  the  great  group  near  Newark,  is 
yet  very  distinct,  being  about  three  feet  high  at  the 
lowest  point,  the  average  height  being  some  four  or 
five  feet. 

The  chords  in  this  survey  were  100  feet  each;  the 
stations  were  on  top  of  the  wall  as  near  the  middle 
line  as  could  be  ascertained  by  measurement  and 
judgment,  and  the  stakes  all  set  before  the  bearings 
were  taken.  The  field  notes  are  as  follows,  beginning 
at  station  O  in  the  middle  of  the  gateway  leading  to 
the  octagon  (Fig.  60): 


Station. 

Bearing. 

Dis-  1  Width 
tance.  of  wall. 

Remarks. 

o  to    i  .  . 

I  to     2  .  . 

0            / 

S.  38  20  E.  . 

vS.    26    20    E.  . 

Feet. 
42 

IOO 

Feet. 

0 

36 

f  Station 
\  cle  and 

i  at  junction  of  cir- 
south  parallel. 

2  to    3  .  . 

S.  17  37  E.. 

100 

35 

3  to    4.. 

S.     6  oo  E.. 

IOO 

38 

4  to    5.. 

S.     536W.. 

IOO 

38 

5  to    6.. 
6  to    7  .  . 
7  to    8 

S.  15  oo  W.  . 
S.  2745  W.. 
S.  35  17  W.. 

IOO 
IOO 
IOO 

37 
36 
34 

f  Center 
\that  is, 

of  wall  2  feet  east; 
outward. 

8  to    9  .  . 

S.  48  40  W  .  . 

IOO 

37 

9  to  10.  . 

S.  58  16  W.  . 

IOO 

37 

10  to  ii.. 

S.  69  13  W.. 

IOO 

37 

II  to  12.. 

S.  82  oo  W.. 

IOO 

35 

12  tO  13.  . 

N.  89  13  W.. 

IOO 

4t 

13  to  14.. 
14  to  15.  . 
15  to  16.  . 

N.  76  23  W.  . 
N.  66  15  W.  . 
N.  55  56  W.. 

IOO 
IOO 
IOO 

38(?) 
39 

f  Width  estimated,  not  meas- 
\  ured. 

16  to  17.  . 

N.  45  10  W.  . 

IOO 

(  '  'Observatory.  '  '  ) 

17  to  18.  . 

N.  33  33  W.  . 

10© 

39 

18  to  19.  . 

N.  20  29  W.  . 

IOO 

42 

19  tO  20 

N.    II    22  W,  . 

IOO 

43 

20  tO  21  .  . 
21  tO  22.  . 

N.     i  34  W.. 
N.     9  06  E 

IOO 
IOO 

40 
39 

22  tO  23.. 

N.  20  54  E.  . 

IOO 

38 

124 


Study  of  NortJi  American  Archaeology. 


Station. 

Bearing. 

Dis 
tance. 

Width 
of  wall. 

Remarks. 

o        / 

Feet. 

Feet. 

23  to  24  .  . 

N.  si  12  E.. 

IOO 

39 

24  to  25  .  . 

N.  42  32  E 

IOO 

40 

25  to  26  . 

N.  53  43  E.. 

IOO 

42 

26  to  27 

N.  62  43  E.. 

loo- 

40 

27  to  28.  . 

N.  75  07  E.. 

IOO 

44 

28  to  29.  . 

N.  86  23  E.. 

IOO 

40 

29  to  30 

s.  82  17  P:.. 

IOO 

44 

30  to  31 

S.  72  04  E.v 

IOO 

42 

31  to  32.  . 

S.  60  45  E.. 

IOO 

45 

* 

32  to  33.  . 

S.  51  06  E.. 

IOO 

45 

33  to  34.. 

S.  46  29  E.  . 

20 

Junction  with  N.  paral'l  wall. 

34  to    o  .  . 

S.  38  20  E.  . 

42 

Middle  of  gateway. 

34  to  36  .  . 

N.  52  04  E 

29S 

North  parallel. 

i  to  37 

N.  51  53  E.. 

S*J 

293 



South  parallel. 

Check  Lines. 


o 

10 

II 

s 

1  8 

28  W 

883 

o 

«  1 

to 
to 

17.. 

S. 
S. 

5? 

27  W.  . 

ooW.  . 

1057 



/  "5£"  indicates  the  half-way 

(1 

•7 

;  - 

to 
to 
to 

25. 

II  .. 

25.  . 

N. 
S. 

N 

35 
/I 

10  W 
59  E.. 
23  E 

770 
728 



I  point  111  the  circumference. 

25 

to 

II.  . 

S. 

28 

03  E.. 

1024 

In  order  to  bring  before  the  eye  of  the  reader  the 
approximate  regularity  of  this  circular  work,  let  him 
make  a  plat  to  a  scale,  with  a  line  of  short  chords  in 
dicating  the  line  of  the  survey  along  the  top  of  the 
wall,  and  then  draw  the  nearest  approximate  circle 
thereto.  Great  care  was  taken  in  making  the  survey, 
and  the  plat  and  calculation  were  found  to  confirm 
the  accuracy  claimed. 

Measuring  the  various  diameters,  the  maximum  is 
found  to  be  1,059  feet>  anc^  the  minimum  1,050,  the 
mean  of  which  is  1,054.5  feet,  but  it  is  found  by  trial 
that  the  nearest  approximate  circle  has  a  diameter  of 
1,054  feet.  The  widest  divergence  between  the  line 


Inclositres,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  125 

of  survey  and  the  circumference  of  the  true  circle  is 
4  feet. 

The  aggregate  length  of  the  chords  surveyed  is 
3,304  feet,  while  the  circumference  of  the  approxi 
mate  circle  is  3,311  feet;  adding  to  the  sum  of  the 
chords  the  additional  length  of  the  arcs  they  subtend 
(0.1508  of  a  foot  to  each  loo-foot  chord),  and  we 
have  a  total  of  3,309  feet.  It  is  therefore  evident 
that  the  inclosure  approaches  in  form  very  nearly  an 
absolute  circle. 

What  means  the  native  authors  of  this  work  used 
to  obtain  results  so  near  geometrical  correctness  in  a 
circle  of  this  size  is  not  known,  but  it  was  probably 
with  a  cord  or  rope,  which  people  who  could  manu 
facture  cloth  could  certainly  make.  The  survey  of 
the  square  in  the  same  group  shows  the  angles  at  the 
four  corners  to  have  been  respectively  90°  51',  89°  40', 
90°  26' ',  and  89°  03',  each  being  within  less  than  a 
degree  of  correct.  The  sides  were  found  to  be  re 
spectively  928,  926,  939,  and  951  feet  in  length. 

The  most  extensive  example  of  the  "hill  forts"  is 
that  known  as  Fort  Ancient,  in  Warren  county,  Ohio. 
This  crowns  a  spur  of  the  bluff  some  two  hundred 
and  fifty  or  three  hundred  feet  high,  which  here  over 
hangs  the  Miami  river.  The  area  embraced  is  only 
some  seventy-five  or  eighty  acres,  but  the  length  of 
the  wall,  which  follows  all  the  windings  and  zigzags 
of  the  margin  of  the  bluff  and  of  the  side  ravines,  is 
a  little  over  three  miles  and  a  half.  This  is  one  of 
the  best  preserved  monuments  of  the  Ohio  valley,  the 
surrounding  wall  being  uninjured  save  at  points 
where  the  turnpike  cuts  through  it,  and  at  a  few 
places  where  ravines  have  been  formed  since  it  was 


126          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Inclosures,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  127 

abandoned.  This  wall,  which  is  partly  of  stone,  but 
chiefly  of  dirt  thrown  up  from  the  inner  or  upper 
side,  varies  in  height  from  three  or  four  to  nineteen 
feet,  and  from  twenty-five  to  seventy  feet  in  width  at 
base.  As  the  earth  has  all  been  taken  from  the  inside 
(except  along  the  high  wall  which  crosses  the  level  at 
the  rear),  and  thrown  outward  on  the  crest  of  the 
slope,  this  has  left  an  inside  ditch.  As  a  rule,  the 
wall  is  strongest  and  highest  at  the  points  of  easiest 
approach;  and,  at  some  places,  the  outside  slope  has 
been  artificially  steepened,  proving  beyond  any  rea 
sonable  doubt  that  the  work  was  one  of  defense. 

The  great  length  of  the  wall  has  led  to  the  supposi 
tion  that  this  is  the  crowning  achievement  of  the 
mound-builders,  but  a  little  calculation  and  thought 
will  show  this  to  be  an  error.  Assuming  the  average 
width  to  be  forty  feet  and  average  height  ten  feet,— 
which,  as  the  writer  knows  from  personal  observation, 
is  in  excess  of  the  true  average, —  the  solid  contents  of 
the  placed  material  is  found  to  be  about  139,000  cubic 
yards.  This  falls  short  of  the  Etowah  mound,  in 
Georgia,  about  20,000  cubic  yards,  and  is  less  than 
one-third  the  contents  of  the  great  Cahokia  mound,  near 
East  St.  Louis,  Illinois.  When  we  take  into  consid 
eration  the  fact  that  the  earth  of  the  mound  had  to  be 
borne  some  distance,  while  that  of  the  wall  (with  the 
exception,  perhaps,  of  the  rear  wall  across  the  level 
neck)  had  only  to  be  thrown  up  from  the  ditch,  it  is 
apparent  that  the  building  of  the  latter  involved  much 
less  labor  than  the  mound. 

One  of  the  "hill  forts,"  situated  in  Perry  county, 
Ohio,  is  shown  in  Fig.  61.  The  wall  in  this  case  is 
built  of  rough  stones,  laid  up  without^order,  and  in 


128 


Study  of  Xorth  American  Archaeology. 


Inclositres,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  129 

its  present  partially  obliterated  condition,  varies  in 
height  from  mere  traces  at  one  point  to  five  or  six 
feet.  The  entire  length,  following  all  the  curves,  is 
6,6 10  feet. 

The  celebrated  and  often-figured  works  at  Newark, 
Ohio,  form,  perhaps,  the  most  elaborate  group  of  this 
class  known  to  the  Atlantic  division.  The  size  of  our 
page  will  permit  of  but  a  partial  representation  of 
this  truly  remarkable  antiquity.  (Fig-  60.)  Fortu 
nately  for  science,  a  complete  survey  and  accurate 
drawing  of  this  group  was  made  by  Col.  Whittlesey 
before  it  had  been  encroached  upon  by  the  spread  of 
the  city.  The  reader  can  form  some  idea  of  the  ex 
tent  from  the  fact  that  the  length  from  the  eastern  to 
the  western  extremity  is  about  two  miles;  the  diame 
ter  of  the  western  circle  is  1,050  feet;  of  the  octagon, 
about  1,500  feet;  and  that  the  fair-grounds  of  the 
Licking  County  Agricultural  Association  are  embraced 
in  the  circle  at  the  south-east. 

An  example  from  Union  county,  Illinois,  inclosing 
mounds  and  hut-rings,  and  including  an  area  of 
twenty-eight  acres,  is  shown  in  Fig.  62.  This  was 
evidently  an  inclosed  village,  and  is  a  type  of  others 
which  occur  in  middle  Tennessee  and  south-eastern 
Missouri. 

Our  limited  space  will  permit  us  to  refer  to  only 
one  other  type,  which  apparently  includes  the  well- 
known  work  at  Aztalan,  Wisconsin,  so  well  described 
by  Dr.  Lapham  in  his  work  on  the  antiquities  of  that 
state.  An  example  of  this  type,  located  in  Vander- 
burg  county,  Indiana,  is  shown  in  Fig.  63.  At  some 
what  regular  distances  along  the  surrounding  wall  are 
9 


130 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


buttress-like  enlargements,  projecting  outward  from 
twenty  to  thirty  feet.  The  distance  between  these 
projections  varies,  increasing  from  east  to  west.  Two 


Fig.  63.    Angel  mounds,  Indiana. 

measured  on  the  east  (from  center  to  center)  were 
ninety-seven  feet  apart;  two  on  the  north,  one  hun 
dred  and  seven;  and  two  on  the  west,  one  hundred 
and  twenty.  The  included,  oblong  tumulus  is  of  the 
pyramidal  type,  with  terrace,  flat  on  top,  and  of  com 
paratively  large  size.  This  is  somewhat  peculiar, 
though  not  unique,  in  being  capped  at  one  corner  by 
a  small  conical  mound.  The  large  mound  in  the 
Union  county  (Illinois)  group  (Fig.  62),  and  a  mound 
in  one  of  the  Paint  creek  (Ohio)  groups,  are  also 
capped  in  the  same  way  —  that  is,  at  one  corner. 

Another  inclosure  of  this  type  occurs  in  Hardin 
county,  Tennessee,  near  Savannah,  which  seems  to 
have  a  double  bastioned  wall,  or  rather  two  walls. 


Inclosiircs,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  131 

However,  as  only  traces  of  the  outer  wall  are  seen, 
it  is  possible  there  was  an  older  and  a  newer  one. 
Although  these  may  have  been  developed  by  different 
processes  —  that  of  Aztalan  from  the  chain-mound 
series,  those  of  Indiana  and  Tennessee  from  a  custom 
of  placing  towers  or  bastions  at  intervals  along  the 
wall, —  yet  the  strong  similarity  of  the  examples  is 
evident.  It  may  be  stated  as  possibly  suggestive  that 
the  Aztalan  fort  is  in  the  Siouan  country,  and  that  the 
Ouapaws,  who  pertain  to  the  same  stock,  and  whom 
De  Soto  encountered  in  Arkansas,  are  said  to  have 
dwelt  in  former  times  on  the  lower  Ohio  river,  possi 
bly  in  the  vicinity  of  the  group  in  Vanderburg  county, 
Indiana. 

\Yere  all  these  inclosures  built  for  defensive  pur 
poses?  Are  they  the  walls  which  the  ancient  people 
placed  about  their  villages  to  protect  them  against  the 
sudden  attacks  of  inveterate  foes?  Such  a  question 
would  seem  superfluous  but  for  the  fact  that  Messrs. 
Squier  and  Davis  assume,  in  their  classic  work  on  the 
''Ancient  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,"  that 
those  works  on  the  level  areas  of  Ohio  which  were  ac 
companied  by  no  ditch,  or  which  have  an  interior 
ditch,  are  sacred  inclosures;  that  they  were  built  for 
religious  or  ceremonial  purposes.  Although  this  view 
has  been  accepted  by  numerous  authors,  it  does  not  ap 
pear  to  be  founded  on  any  valid  reason.  The  more  rea 
sonable  conclusion  which  is  generally  accepted  at  the 
present  day  is,  that  they  have  been  fortified  villages. 
Lewis  H.  Morgan  suggested  that  where  the  square 
and  circle  were  combined,  the  former  surrounded  the 
village,  while  the  latter,  which  is  often  without  a 
trench,  was  a  substitute  for  a  fence  about  the  garden 


132          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

in  which  the  villagers  cultivated  their  maize,  beans, 
squashes  and  tobacco.  It  is  not  probable  that  a 
people  having  the  skill  to  plan  and  construct  the 
elaborate  works  of  the  level  areas,  and  the  forethought 
to  build  forts  on  the  neighboring  hills  as  places  of  re 
treat,  would  have  left  their  villages  unprotected.  The 
ancient  works  throughout  this  region  indicate  a  long 
and  bitter  contest  between  hostile  tribes,  which  ulti 
mately  resulted  in  the  expulsion  of  the  builders. 

Hut-rings  and  House-sites. 

Although  groups  of  mounds  marking  the  sites  of 
ancient  villages  scattered  over  the  Mississippi  valley 
and  Gulf  States  may  be  numbered  by  hundreds  and 
even  thousands,  yet  in  none  of  all  these  is  there  a 
single  house,  a  single  dwelling  or  a  single  temple  re 
maining  from  which  we  may  learn  the  architecture  of 
the  ancient  inhabitants.  That  the  mound-builders 
lived  in  houses  must  be  assumed;  the  inference  is 
therefore  irresistible/  that  their  dwellings  were  con 
structed  pf  perishable  materials,  as  structures  of  brick 
or  stone  could  not  have  entirely  vanished.  Neverthe 
less,  the  monuments  furnish  some  data  which,  by 
comparison  with  known  Indian  habits  and  customs, 
enable  us  to  form  some  idea  of  their  buildings. 

At  various  points  of  the  mound  area,  especially  in 
Tennessee,  Illinois  and  south-eastern  Missouri,  the 
sites  of  thousands  of  them  are  marked  by  small  rings 
or  circles  of  earth  from  fifteen  to  fifty  feet  in  diam 
eter,  the  inclosed  area  being  more  or  less  depressed. 
So  apparent  is  it  to  explorers  that  these  are  the  re 
mains  of  circular  houses  or  wigwams  that  the  name 
"hut-rings"  is  generally  applied  to  them.  The  in- 


Inclosures,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  133 

terior  area  of  a  number  of  inclosures  in  the  section 
named  is  occupied  chiefly  by  these  remains.  It  ap 
pears,  also,  from  a  statement  made  by  Squier  and 
Davis,  that  they  were  not  uncommon  in  the  Ohio 
groups,  but  the  plow  has  so  wholly  obliterated  them 
that  few,  if  any,  traces  remain  at  the  present  day.  It 
is  possible  that  some  of  these  were  the  remains  of  the 
wigwams  of  Indians  who  occupied  these  sites  in  com 
paratively  modern  times.  Such  evidences  of  subse 
quent  occupancy  have  been  observed  in  some  of  the 
groups  of  south-eastern  Missouri.  Even  the  graded 
way  to  the  great  mound  of  the  Rich  Woods  group  has 
two  or  three  of  these  rings  on  its  surface.  These  re 
mains  give  the  shape  and  size  of  one  class  of  dwell 
ings  in  the  sections  named.  Excavations  in  the  cen 
ter  usually  bring  to  light  the  ashes  and  hearth  that 
mark  the  place  where  the  fire  was  built,  and  occasion 
ally  unearth  fragments  of  the  vessels  used  in  cooking, 
the  bones  of  animals  on  whose  flesh  the  inmates  fed, 
and  other  articles  pertaining  to  domestic  use. 

There  is,  however,  conclusive  evidence  that  in  one 
section,  at  least,  the  mound-builders  constructed  an 
other  and  more  advanced  type  of  houses.  Mention 
has  already  been  incidentally  made  of  the  so-called 
"house-sites"  of  Arkansas;  nevertheless,  the  follow 
ing  passage  of  the  I2th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology  relating  to  this  subject  may 
be  appropriately  quoted  here: 

"During  the  progress  of  explorations  by  assistants 
of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  in  south-east 
Missouri,  Arkansas  and  Mississippi;  especially  in  Ar 
kansas,  in  numerous  instances,  probably  hundreds, 
beds  of  hard  burned  clay,  containing  impressions  of 


134          Study  of  North  American  'Archaeology. 

grass  and  cane,  were  observed.  These  were  generally 
found  one  or  two  feet  below  the  surface  of  low,  flat 
mounds,  from  one  to  five  feet  high,  and  from  fifteen 
to  fifty  feet  in  diameter,  though  by  no  means  confined 
to  tumuli  of  this  character,  as  they  were  also  observed 
near  the  surface  of  the  large,  flat-topped  and  conical 
mounds.  So  common  were  these  burnt  clav  beds  in 


Fig.  64.    House  site,  Arkansas. 

the  low,  flat  mounds  and  so  evidently  the  remains  of 
former  houses,  that  the  explorers  generally  speak  of 
them  in  their  reports  as  'house-sites.' 

"As  a  general  rule,  in  opening  them,  the  strata  are 
found  to  occur  in  this  .order:  first,  a  top  layer  of  soil 
from  one  to  two  feet  thick;  then  a  layer  of  burnt  clay 
from  four  inches  to  a  foot  thick  (though  usually  vary- 


IndosureSy  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc. 


135 


ing  from  four  to  eight  inches),  which  formed  the 
plastering  of  the  walls.  This  was  always  broken 
into  lumps,  never  in  a  uniform  unbroken  layer, 
showing  that  it  had  fallen,  and  was  not  originally 
placed  where  found;  immediately  below  this  is  a  thin 
layer  of  hardened  muck  or  dark  clay,  though  this 
does  not  always  seem  to  be  distinct.  At  this  depth, 
in  the  mounds  of  the  eastern  part  of  Arkansas,  are 
usually  found  one  and  sometimes  two  skeletons." 

That  the  explorers  were  justified  in  their  conclusion 
is  proven  by  the  fact  that  in  two  instances  the  re 
mains  were  sufficiently  evident  to  enable  them  to 
trace  the  outlines  of  the  buildings.  In  both  cases 
these  consisted  of  three  square  rooms  (Fig.  64). 


Fig.  65.    Supposed  method  of  lathing  houses. 

Judging  by  the  burnt  fragments  of  the  walls  found  in 
one  instance,  it  is  presumed  that  cane  lathing  was 
used  and  was  worked  in  between  the  posts  as  shown 
in  Fig.  65.  Prof.  Swallow  describes  a  room  he  found 
in  one  of  the  mounds  of  south-eastern  Missouri  as 
formed  by  poles,  lathed  with  split  cane  and  plastered 
with  clay  both  inside  and  out. 

It  is  only  necessary  to  quote  DuPratz's  description 
of  the   Indian   square  houses  of  this   section,   to   show 


136          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

how  exactly  they  agree  with  what  has  been  revealed 
by  the  mounds: 

"The  cabins  of  the  natives  are  all  perfectly  square; 
none  of  them  are  less  than  fifteen  feet  in  extent  in 
every  direction,  but  there  are  some  which  are  more 
than  thirty.  The  following  is  their  manner  of  build 
ing  them:  The  natives  go  into  the  new  forest  to  seek 
the  trunks  of  young  walnut  trees  of  four  inches  in 
diameter  and  from  eighteen  to  twenty  feet  long;  they 
plant,  the  largest  ones  at  four  corners  to  form  the 
breadth  and  the  dome;  but  before  fixing  the  others 
they  prepare  the  scaffolding;  it  consists  of  four  poles 
fastened  together  at  the  top,  the  lower  ends  corre 
sponding  to  the  four  corners;  on  these  four  poles 
others  are  fastened  crosswise  at  a  distance  of  a  foot 
apart;  this  makes  a  ladder  with  four  sides,  or  four  lad 
ders  joined  together.  This  done,  they  fix  the  other 
poles  in  the  ground  in  a  straight  line  between  those 
of  the  corners;  when  they  are  thus  planted  they  are 
lightly  bound  to  a  pole  which  crosses  them  on  the  in 
side  of  each  side  (of  the  house).  For  this  purpose 
large  splints  of  stalks  are  used  to  tie  them,  at  the  height 
of  five  or  six  feet,  according  to  the  size  of  the  cabin, 
which  forms  the  walls;  these  upright  poles  are  not 
more  than  about  fifteen  inches  apart  from  each  other; 
a  young  man  then  mounts  to  the  end  of  one  of  the 
corner  poles  with  a  cord  in  his  teeth,  fastens  the  cord 
to  the  pole,  and  as  he  mounts  within,  the  pole  bends, 
because  those  who  are  below  draw  the  cord  to  bend 
the  pole  as  much  as  is  necessary;  at  the  same  time 
another  young  man  fixes  the  pole  of  the  opposite  cor 
ner  in  the  same  wray;  the  two  poles  being  thus  bent 
at  a  suitable  height,  they  are  fastened  strongly  and 


Inclositres,  Pyramidal  Mounds,  etc.  137 

evenly.  The  same  is  done  with  the  poles  of  the  other 
two  corners  as  they  are  joined  at  the  point,  which 
make  altogether  the  figure  of  a  bower  or  a  summer 
house,  such  as  we  have  in  France.  After  this  work 
they  fasten  sticks  on  the  lower  sides  or  walls  at  a  dis 
tance  of  about  eight  inches  across,  as  high  as  the  pole 
of  which  I  have  spoken,  which  forms  the  length  of 
the  wall. 

"These  sticks  being  thus  fastened,  they  make  mud 
walls  of  clay,  in  which  they  put  a  sufficient  amount 
of  Spanish  moss.  These  walls  are  not  more  than  four 
inches  thick.  They  leave  no  opening  but  the  door, 
which  is  only  two  feet  in  width  by  four  in  height. 
There  are  some  much  smaller.  They  then  cover  the 
framework,  which  I  have  just  described,  with  mats 
of  reeds,  putting  the  smoothest  on  the  inside  of  the 
cabin,  taking  care  to  fasten  them  together  so  that  they 
are  well  joined.  After  this  they  make  large  bundles 
of  grass  of  the  tallest  that  can  be  found  in  the  low 
lands,  and  which  is  four  or  five  feet  long;  this  is 
put  on  in  the  same  way  as  straw,  which  is  used  to 
cover  thatched  houses.  The  grass  is  fastened  with 
large  canes  and  splints  also  of  canes.  When  the 
cabin  is  covered  with  grass  they  cover  all  with  a  mat 
ting  of  canes  well  bound  together,  and  at  the  bottom 
they  make  a  ring  of  'bind-weeds'  (lianes)  all  around 
the  cabin;  then  they  turn  the  grass  evenly,  and  with 
this  defense,  however  great  the  wind  may  be,  it  can 
do  nothing  against  the  cabin.  These  coverings  last 
twenty  years  without  being  repaired." 


138          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   ANTIQUITY    AND    AUTHORS    OF   THE    MOUNDS. 

This  is  not  the  place  for,  nor  will  our  space  permit, 
the  lengthy  discussion  of  disputed  points;  neverthe 
less,  our  work,  though  designedly  brief,  would  be  in 
complete  without  some  notes  in  regard  to  the  age  and 
authors  of  the  mounds.  The  opinion  has  already 
been  expressed  that  these  monuments  are  to  be  at 
tributed  to  the  Indians,  meaning  thereby  the  natives 
found  inhabiting  this  division  at  the  time  of  its  dis 
covery  or  their  direct  ancestors.  A  few  facts  bearing 
on  the  age  of  some  of  the  tumuli  have  also  been  in 
cidentally  noticed.  There  are,  however,  certain  con 
siderations  which  it  would  seem,  reasoning  a  priori, 
should  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Indians  were 
the  authors  of  these  works. 

First,  there  is  the  undoubted  fact  that  these 
aborigines  were  in  possession  of  the  entire  country  of 
the  mound-builders  at  the  time  of  its  discovery  by 
Europeans.  It  is  therefore  a  reasonable  assumption 
that  they  had  maintained  possession  of  it  from  its 
first  occupancy  by  them  up  to  the  coming  of  the 
whites.  However,  this  does  not  necessarily  forbid 
the  supposition  that  they  displaced  a  preceding  race. 
That  their  entry  could  not  have  been  very  recent  is 
inferred  from  two  or  three  facts  which  must  be  recog 
nized  in  the  discussion  of  this  subject. 

One   of  these   is   the   distinction   already   mentioned 


The  Antiquity  and  Authors  of  the  Mounds.        139 

between  the  types  of  the  Pacific  division  and  the  At 
lantic  division.  This  distinction,  which  pertains  to 
the  archaeologic,  linguistic  and  ethnic  types,  is  too 
well  marked  to  be  overlooked.  The  lines  also  of 
the  linguistic  map  prepared  by  the  Bureau  of  Ameri 
can  Ethnology  conform  in  a  remarkable  degree  to 
this  division.  The  Athapascans  overlap  at  the  north 
and  the  Shoshones  to  a  slight  extent  at  the  south,  but 
both  are  essentially  Pacific,  notwithstanding  the 
opinion  of  some  authors  to  the  contrary.  This  dis 
tinction  between  the  two  divisions,  which  has  been 
recognized  and  made  the  basis  in  grouping  by  other 
writers,  presents  a  formidable  objection  to  the  theory 
that  the  mound-builders  had  any  connection  with 
people  of  the  Pacific  division,  or  tends  at  least  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  two  groups  were  formed  sepa 
rately,  or  diverged  at  a  very  distant  date  in  the 
past. 

A  second  fact  bearing  in  the  same  direction  is  the 
distribution  of  stocks  and  tribes  in  the  Atlantic  divi 
sion.  As  a  general  rule,  most  of  the  members  of 
each  of  the  different  stocks  were  found  in  contact  or 
in  close  geographical  relation  with  one  another.  It  is 
most  likely  that  the  formation  of  tribal  groups  had 
begun  before  entry  into  the  temperate  portion  of  the 
division,  but  the  complete  establishment  of  these 
distinctions  was  after  entry.  This  of  necessity  re 
quired  many  centuries,  and  presents  another  serious 
objection  to  the  supposition  that  the  Indians  were 
not  the  mound-builders.  True,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  Indian  hosts  as  they  entered  the  area 
drove  out  the  former  inhabitants;  but  the  very 
distant  date  to  which  this  supposition  refers  the 


140  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

mound-building  era  is  not  justified  by  the  works  or 
any  other  known  data.  Moreover,  the  objection  to 
this  theory  becomes  apparently  insurmountable  when 
it  is  shown  that  mound-building  was  beyond  question 
continued,  at  least  to  some  extent,  into  post-European 
times. 

The  proof  of  the  last  statement  is  found  in  both  his 
torical  and  monumental  evidence.  The  chroniclers  of 
De  Soto's  strange  and  unfortunate  expedition  through 
the  Gulf  States  in  1540-2,  whose  statements  could 
not  have  been  warped  by  any  preconceived  opinions 
in  regard  to  the  authorship  of  these  works,  speak  so 
positively  as  to  the  building  and  use  thereof  by  the 
Indians  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  the  custom  of  build 
ing  and  using  mounds  had  not  been  abandoned  at 
that  date  in  the  sections  through  which  the  expedition 
passed.  They  not  only  make  repeated  allusions  to 
them,  but  state  expressly  that  they  were  built  and 
used  by  the  Indians.  Take,  for  example,  the  fol 
lowing: 

"The  Indians  try  to  place  their  villages  on  elevated 
sites;  but,  inasmuch  as  in  Florida  there  are  not  many 
sites  of  this  kind  where  they  can  conveniently  build, 
they  erect  elevations  themselves  in  the  following  man 
ner:  They  select  the  spot  and  carry  there  a  quantity 
of  earth,  which  they  form  into  a  kind  of  platform  two 
or  three  pikes  in  height,  the  summit  of  which  is  large 
enough  to  give  room  for  twelve,  fifteen,  or  twenty 
houses,  to  lodge  the  cacique  and  his  attendants.  At 
the  foot  of  this  elevation  they  mark  out.  a  square 
place,  according  to  the  size  of  the  village,  around 
which  the  leading  men  have  their  houses.  .  .  .  To 
ascend  the  elevation  they  have  a  straight  passageway 


The  Antiquity  and  Authors  of  the  Mounds.        141 

from  bottom  to  top,  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  wide. 
Here  steps  are  made  by  massive  beams,  and  others 
are  planted  firmly  in  the  ground  to  serve  as  walls. 
On  all  other  sides  of  the  platform  the  sides  are  cut 
steep." 

This  not  only  mentions  the  form  by  speaking  of  the 
work  as  a  "platform  two  or  three  pikes  high"  (about 
24  to  40  feet),  but  states  positively  that  the  Indians 
built  them,  and  indicates  the  purpose  for  which  they 
were  erected. 

Another  one  of  the  chroniclers  says:  "The  caciques 
of  this  country  make  a  custom  of  raising  near  their 
dwellings  very  high  hills,  on  which  they  sometimes 
build  their  houses."  Here  mound-building  is  ex 
pressly  alluded  to  as  a  "custom."  The  other  of  the 
three  chroniclers,  speaking  of  the  town  of  Ucita,  in 
Florida,  says:  "The  lord's  (cacique's)  house  stood 
near  the  beach  on  a  very  high  mound  made  by  hand, 
for  strength." 

As  two  of  these  three  chroniclers  accompanied  the 
expedition,  and  the  other  received  his  information 
from  the  survivors  and  manuscript  accounts  by  par 
ticipants,  which  manuscripts  are  now  lost,  there  is  no 
reason  to  question  their  correctness,  especially  as 
earthworks  like  those  described  and  found  in  the 
region  through  \vhich  the  expedition  must  have 
passed. 

As  allusion  is  made  by  these  writers  to  works  in 
Florida,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Arkansas, 
it  is  evident  that  the  custom  of  building  mounds  pre 
vailed  throughout  the  Gulf  States  in  1540;  nor  had  it 
ceased  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  later,  when  the 
French  descended  the  Mississippi  and  took  possession 


142          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

of  the  territory  bordering  its  southern  course,  as  these 
hardy  pioneers  more  than  once  allude  to  these  works 
as  built  by  the  Indians.  Nor  do  these  writers  refer  to 
mounds  only,  as  they  describe  the  fortifications  which 
encircled  the  native  villages,  both  walls  and  moats, 
constructions  which,  under  the  corroding  effect  of 
time  and  the  elements,  would  leave  precisely  such 
works  as  are  now  found  in  several  places  in  that 
section. 

As  the  larger  and  more  important  monuments  of 
the  entire  southern  section  are  attributed  by  this  di 
rect  and  positive  historical  evidence  to  the  Indians,  it 
is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  all  the  prehistoric  works 
of  that  section  are  attributable  to  the  same  race,  un 
less  some  be  found  which  bear  unmistakable  marks  of 
a  different  culture.  Such  exceptions  can  apply,  if  at 
all,  only  to  the  few  copper  plates  and  engraved  shells 
bearing  figures  having  a  resemblance  to  Mexican  types, 
and  then  to  the  figures  alone. 

The  monuments  also  furnish  some  decisive  testi 
mony  on  the  same  line.  Articles  of  European  make 
or  derivation  have  been  found  in  a  number  of  tumuli 
where  their  presence  could  not  be  attributed  to  in 
trusive  burial. 

Hawk's-bells  have  been  found  in  a  Georgia  and  a 
Tennessee  mound;  iron  articles  (not  meteoric)  in  a 
Georgia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Ohio  mound; 
and  other  articles  of  European  manufacture  have 
been  found  in  several  other  mounds,  both  of  the 
northern  and  southern  sections.  As  allusion  is  made 
here  only  to  articles  which  were  not  connected  with 
intrusive  burials,  it  is  apparent  that  the  mounds  in 
which  they  were  found  belong  to  the  post-European 


The  Antiquity  and  Authors  of  the  Mounds.        143 

era,  and  furnish  additional  evidence  that  the  custom 
of  building  mounds  had  not  ceased  at  the  time  of  the 
discovery  of  America.  As  it  is  a  fair  and  apparently 
unavoidable  inference  that  the  Indians  had  long  been 
the  sole  occupants  of  the  division  at  the  time  of  the 
discovery,  and  it  is  proven  that  the  custom  of  build 
ing  mounds  had  not  ceased  at  that  time,  the  only  rea 
sonable  conclusion  is  that  the  Indians  were  the  authors 
of  all  these  works.  The  supposition  that  there  was  a 
break  in,  and  recommencement  of,  this  custom,  is 
wholly  gratuitous,  and  based  on  neither  valid  evi 
dence  nor  sound  reasoning.  Nor  is  the  theory  that, 
while  some  of  the  monuments  are  due  to  the  Indians, 
others  are  to  be  ascribed  to  a  different  race,  justified 
by  the  data,  or  reasonable,  as  no  one  is  able  to  define 
the  characters  which  distinguish  the  classes.  If  the 
Indians  built  mounds  of  the  most  advanced  type  and 
of  large  size,  as  history  shows  positively  the  natives 
of  the  Gulf  States  did,  there  is  no  necessity  for  attrib 
uting  the  works  of  the  middle  and  northern  sections 
to  a  different  race.  That  the  mound-builders  were 
divided  into  various  and  often  contending  tribes  is 
shown  by  the  works  for  defense  and  protection,  as  also 
by  the  evidences  of  varying  customs.  Yet  there  is 
nothing  in  the  antiquities  to  indicate  a  higher  culture 
than  that  of  the  southern  Indians,  or  a  greater  differ 
ence  between  the  people  of  the  different  sections  than 
existed  among  the  natives  when  first  encountered  by 
the  whites. 

If  we  compare  the  customs  of  the  mound-builders, 
so  far  as  shown  by  their  works,  and  their  artefacts, 
with  those  of  the  Indians,  as  done  by  Major  Powell,  we 
reach  the  same  conclusion  as  that  set  forth  above.  As 


144          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

there  is  no  historical  or  other  evidence,  unless  derived 
from  the  antiquities  themselves,  that  any.  other  race 
than  the  Indians  ever  occupied  this  region,  or  any 
part  of  it,  previous  to  its  discovery  by  the  Europeans 
at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  we  enter  the  dis 
cussion  with  the  presumption  in  favor  of  the  view 
that  they  were  the  authors  of  the  monuments.  Every 
fact,  therefore,  ascertained  by  an  examination  of  these 
works,  which  indicates  a  similarity  between  the 
mound-builders  and  Indians  in  customs,  arts,  re 
ligious  beliefs,  or  modes  of  life,  is  an  argument  in 
favor  of  a  theory  of  an  Indian  origin. 

It  was  a  custom  among  the  mound-builders,  at 
least  in  several  localities,  to  remove  the  flesh  of  the 
dead  before  depositing  them  in  their  final  resting 
places.  That  a  similar  custom  prevailed  among  a 
number  of  Indian  tribes  is  well  known  to  all  students 
of  native  habits  and  customs.  Burial  beneath  or  in 
dwellings  was  practiced  in  some  sections  by  both 
mound-builders  and  Indians.  Burial  in  a  sitting  or 
squatting  position  was  by  no  means  uncommon 
among  the  former,  and  that  the  same  custom  was 
followed  by  some  tribes  of  the  latter  is  attested  by 
La  Hontan,  Bossu,  Lawson,  Bartram,  Aclair  and  other 
writers.  The  use  of  fire  to  some  extent  in  the  burial 
ceremonies  of  both  is  proven  by  the  mounds  and  his 
tory.  Certain  tribes  of  both  races  buried  their  dead 
in  box-shaped  stone  sepulchers.  Shell  gorgets,  with 
figures  engraved  thereon,  were  in  use  among  both.  It 
was  not  an  unusual  custom  with  several  tribes  of  In 
dians  to  place  bark  beneath,  and  often  above,  the 
bodies  of  the  dead.  Numerous  evidences  of  a  similar 
mode  of  burial  have  been  found  in  the  mounds.  Ac- 


The  Antiquity  and  Authors  of  the  Mounds.        145 

cording  to  Lawson,  it  was  not  uncommon  among  the 
Carolina  tribes  to  wrap  the  body  of  the  dead  in  mats 
made  of  rushes  or  cane.  Portions  of  rush  or  cane 
matting  have  frequently  been  found  about  human  re 
mains  in  southern  tumuli.  The  mound-builders  of 
the  middle  zone,  from  eastern  Iowa  to  West  Virginia, 
made  use  of  stone  pipes  of  a  peculiar  form  known  as 
the  "monitor"  type.  Adair,  about  the  middle  of  the 
last  century,  described  one  kind  of  pipe  made  by  the 
Cherokees  precisely  of  this  peculiar  type.  As  he 
was  totally  unaware  of  what  was  hidden  in  the 
mounds  of  Ohio  or  Iowa,  his  description  must  have 
been  made  from  what  he  saw.  And  thus  we  might 
go  on,  showing  link  after  link  binding  together  the 
mound-builders  and  Indians,  making  the  ties  so 
numerous  and  strong  as  to  leave  no  plausible  basis 
for  any  other  theory. 

Having  given  this  brief  and  incomplete  outline  of 
the  reasons  for  believing  the  authors  of  these  ancient 
works  were  none  other  than  the  Indians  found  in 
habiting  this  division  at  its  discovery  by  Europeans, 
and  their  immediate  ancestors,  w^e  will  state  briefly 
some  of  the  conclusions  which  appear  to  be  legiti 
mately  drawn  from  the  archaeological  data  which 
have  so  far  been  obtained,  and  from  other  corrobo 
rating  evidence. 

Neither  the  microscopic  study  of  a  landscape  nor  a 
minute  analysis  of  its  parts  will  give  us  a  true  con 
ception  of  its  beauty  or  grandeur  or  its  general  ap 
pearance  ;  it  is  only  when  we  look  upon  it  as  a  whole 
.that  this  is  clearly  perceived.      So  it  is  with  some 
things  in  all  branches  of  science  and  thought,  and  so 
10 


146  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

it  is  to  some  degree  with  one  aspect  of  the  archaeolog 
ical  features  of  the  Atlantic  division  of  our  continent, 
and  possibly  of  the  entire  continent.  Compared  in 
the  aggregate  with  the  archaeology  of  Mesopotamia 
or  Egypt,  the  contrast  in  age  is  too  apparent  to  be 
misunderstood.  While  the  latter  bear  the  marks  of 
hoary  age  impressed  by  the  weight  of  milleniums,  the 
others  seem  in  comparison  the  relics  of  but  three  or 
four  centuries  past. 

Compare  the  excavations  necessary  to  uncover  the 
remains  of  Egypt,  Assyria,  Troy  and  Mycenia  with 
those  necessary  to  reveal  the  deepest  remains  of  the 
mound-builders,  and  the  latter  seem  almost  child's 
play  in  contrast  with  the  others.  In  other  words, 
there  is  nothing  in  the  general  aspect  of  the  archaeol 
ogy  of  this  region  to  indicate  the  evident  antiquity  of 
some  of  the  Old  World  sites.  So  far  as  the  general 
trend  of  monumental  evidence  goes,  it  is  decidedly  in 
the  direction  that  man's  appearance  in  this  region  is 
recent  as  compared  with  the  length  of  time  he  has  in 
habited  some  of  the  Old  World  sections. 

The  theory  of  a  race  preceding  the  Indians  is  as  yet 
but  -mere  conjecture,  which  must  be  put  aside  until 
more  substantial  proofs  can  be  adduced  than  any  which 
have  so  far  been  presented.  Mr.  Mercer's  examina 
tions  of  the  cave  deposits  have  failed  to  give  even  the 
slightest  support  to  this  theory.  It  is  possible  and 
not  even  improbable  that  the  Eskimo  in  prehistoric 
times  had  pushed  their  way  southward  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 
But  no  one  at  the  present  day,  who  has  made  a  study 
of  these  people,  claims  a  more  southern  origin  for 
them  than  what  has  been  already  mentioned. 


Duration  of  tJte  Mound-Building  Age*  147 


CHAPTER   XI. 

DURATION    OF    THE    MOUND-BUILDING    AGE. 

It  is  not  possible  for  us,  with  the  data  which  have 
so  far  been  obtained,  to  fix  with  any  approximate  cer 
tainty  the  date  when  the  Indians  first  appeared  upon 
the  scene.  That  we  must  go  back  a  thousand  years 
preceding  the  discovery  by  Columbus  may  be  safely 
assumed,  and  that  thrice  that  number  is  not  sufficient 
will  be  claimed  by  many.  If  the  supposition  that 
the  tribes  of  the  various  stocks  were  differentiated 
after  their  entrance  into  the  division  be  accepted,  the 
linguist  will  require  time  for  the  formation  of  these 
tongues,  nor  will  he  be  content,  even  supposing  the 
stocks  had  been  formed  before  entry,  with  an  allow 
ance  for  the  development  of  the  Algonquian  and  Iro- 
quoian  dialects  of  less  than  two  or  three  thousand 
years.  Unfortunately,  however,  for  archaeology, 
neither  linguists  nor  geologists  have  as  yet  succeeded 
in  reducing  their  chronological  periods  to  years  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  be  generally  satisfactory  to  scientists. 
With  their  own  appropriate  units  of  measurement 
the  scales  they  form  are  no  doubt  valuable  and  can 
be  used  as  a  basis  in  other  investigations  ;  but  the 
attempts  to  put  them  into  years  have,  as  yet,  shown 
such  wide  divergence  as  to  render  them  practically 
unavailable  to  students  in  other  branches.  The  stu 
dent  of  archaeology  is  therefore  advised  to  rely  chiefly 
upon  his  own  scale  based  on  the  testimony  of  the 
monuments,  as  less  liable  to  lead  him  astray. 


148  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Although  the  time  and  the  manner  of  the  first  en 
try  of  the  Indians  into  this  region  are  questions  which 
we  are  unable  to  answer  satisfactorily,  we  are  not  so 
wholly  at  sea  in  regard  to  the  age  of  its  oldest  monu 
ments — or  in  other  words,  as  to  the  period  of  time 
embraced  in  the  mound-building  age.  That  this  age 
did  not  end  until  post-European  times,  has  been 
shown.  That  its  commencement  does  not  reach  back 
into  hoary  antiquity  appears  to  be  legitimately  in 
ferred  from  several  facts,  of  which  only  two  or  three 
can  be  noticed  here,  and  that  but  briefly. 

The  supposition  that  the  animal  or  effigy  mounds 
of  the  Wisconsin  district  belong  to  a  different  era 
than  the  other  classes  is  negatived  by  abundant  evi 
dence,  which  will  be  found  in  the  author's  Report  on 
Mound  Explorations  in  the  12th  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  It  may  be  stated 
here,  however,  that  the  effigies  are  so  closely  linked 
with  the  other  mounds  of  the  same  district  as  to  for 
bid  the  idea  that  they  pertain  to  different  races  or 
different  eras.  As  Dr.  Lapham  has  well  contended, 
the  evidence  seems  indisputable  that  mound-building 
in  that  section  was  not  discontinued  until  the  incom 
ing  of  the  white  race.  It  may  also  be  further  stated 
that  there  is  indisputable  evidence  that  the  custom  of 
forming  effigies  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  continued 
far  into  post-European  times.  This  survival  is  found 
in  certain  animal,  human  and  other  figures  outlined 
with  granite  bowlders  (occasionally  with  buffalo 
bones)  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground,  usually  on 
elevated  positions  and  sometimes  upon  the  summits 
of  the  highest  buttes.  (Fig.  66.)  These  are  found 
chiefly  in  the  Dakotas,  but  Mr.  T.  H.  Lewis,  who  has 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age. 


149 


explored  somewhat  carefully  this  north-western  sec 
tion,  says  they  are  found  in  western  Iowa  and  Ne 
braska,  and  northward  to  Manitoba,  and  from  west 
ern  Minnesota  to  Montana.  They  are  probably  Siouan. 


Fig.  66.     Surface  effigy,  South  Dakota. 

The  mound-building  age  must  therefore  be  consid 
ered  one  and  unbroken.  It  is  probable  that  the  more 
elaborate  works,  the  pyramids,  the  large  inclosures, 
and  true  effigies,  form  the  most  ancient  types.  Be 


150  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

this  as  it  may,  one  certain  and  necessary  sign  of  long- 
continued  occupancy  is  wanting  in  every  part  of  the 
division.  This  is  that  stratification,  indicating  suc 
cessive  waves  of  population,  changes  in  culture,  and 
other  signs  of  passing  ages  and  alternate  times  of 
building  up  and  of  destroying,  which  is  wholly  want 
ing  in  the  monuments  of  the  division,  or  is  limited 
to  the  evidences  in  a  few  instances  of  subsequent 
temporary  occupancy  of  certain  groups  of  works. 
What  the  caves  may  reveal  when  thoroughly  explored 
is  unknown,  but  so  far  as  they  have  been  examined 
there  is  nothing  which  seems  to  bear  against  this  con 
clusion.  The  cave  explorations  by  Mr.  Mercer,  which 
have  been  carefully  and  intelligently  carried  on,  have 
furnished  no  indications  of  a  paleolithic  people  or  any 
other  race  than  the  Indians.  If  mound-building  had 
been  carried  on  for  thousands  of  years  it  may  be  as 
sumed  as  certain  that  some  of  the  favored  localities 
of  the  prehistoric  inhabitants  would  show  different 
horizons  of  ancient  works,  or  at  least  of  the  relics  and 
remains  which  had  been  deposited  therein,  and  the 
depth  of  the  accumulation  would  be  much  greater 
than  it  is  found  to  be. 

There  are  mounds  which  present  some  evidence  of 
having  been  built  up  by  successive  additions  at  differ 
ent  dates  ;  others  which  bear  the  marks  of  repeated 
occupancy ;  and  others  which  show  two  or  more  series 
of  burials  with  greater  or  less  intervals.  There  are 
indications  in  some  sections  of  successive  waves  of 
population  ;  but  throughout  all  we  find  evidences  of 
the  same  culture,  like  customs,  like  beliefs  and  indica 
tions  of  the  same  racial  traits.  Even  the  evidence 
furnished  by  the  shell  mounds  and  kitchen-middens  is 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  151 

.substantially  the  same  as  that  of  the  other  monu 
ments.  There  is  nothing  to  vary  the  conclusion  that 
the  Indians  were  the  authors  of  all  these  works. 
There  are  no  evidences  of  greater  changes  than  would 
result  from  the  outgoing  of  one  tribe  and  the  in 
coming  of  another.  There  are  no  indications  of  any 
great  advance  in  culture  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end. 

Nadaillac,  who,  at  the  time  he  wrote  his  "Prehis 
toric  America,"  was  inclined  to  attribute  the  mounds 
of  the  region  now  under  consideration  to  some  other 

o 

people  than  the  ancestors  of  the  Indians  found  inhab 
iting  it,  remarks  as  follows  in  regard  to  the  length  of 
the  mound-building  age  : 

"From  the  mounds  themselves  we  can  learn  noth 
ing.  A  lapse  of  thirty  centuries  or  of  five  would  ac 
count  equally  well  for  the  development  of  the  civiliza 
tion  they  represent.  Stronck  ascribes  the  erection  of 
some  of  the  mounds  to  the  earliest  days  of  our  own 
era,  and  thinks  that  some  of  them  must  have  been 
abandoned  between  the  sixth  and  twelfth  centuries. 
The  margin,  it  is  evident,  is  wide.  Force,  in  fixing 
on  the  seventh  century  as  the  most  flourishing  period 
of  these  people,  and  Hellwald,  in  making  them  con 
temporary  with  Charlemagne,  would  appear  to  indorse 
to  some  extent  the  hypothesis  of  Stronck.  Short,  in 
an  excellent  work  on  the  North  American  Indians, 
tells  us  that  one  or  at  the  most  two  thousand  years 
only  can  have  elapsed  since  the  mound-builders  were 
compelled  to  abandon  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  its 
tributaries,  and  but  seven  or  eight  hundred  since  they 
retired  from  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Lastly,  the  early  explorers  found  mounds  occupied 


152  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  even  being  constructed  within  the  last  few  hun 
dred  years.  So  we  must  content  ourselves  with  the 
conclusion  that,  whatever  the  period  of  their  initia 
tion,  it  is  probable  that  what  may  be  called  the  epoch 
of  mound-building,  but  recently  terminated,  has  been 
of  very  long  duration.  These  estimates,  divergent 
as  they  are,  may  serve  to  give  some  idea  of  our  ig 
norance  in  regard  to  the  actual  antiquity  of  these 
ruins." 

As  mound-building  in  this  division  had  not  ceased 
when  Europeans  appeared  upon  the  scene,  it  may  be 
inferred  from  the  data  presented  that  one  thousand 
years  preceding  that  date  would  suffice  for  the  begin 
ning  and  development  of  the  custom  and  for  the  con 
struction  of  all  the  known  works.  That  it  may  have 
continued  for  a  much  longer  time  is  not  denied  ;  all 
that  is  claimed  here  is  that  there  is  nothing  which  has 
as  yet  been  found  pertaining  to  the  mounds  and  other 
ancient  works  of  the  division  which  bears  incontesta 
ble  evidence  of  reaching  back  more  than  a  thousand 
years  previous  to  the  discovery  by  Columbus. 

Prehistoric  Movements  of  Population. 

An  examination  of  a  map  showing  the  localities 
of  the  antiquities  would  lead,  without  other  evidence, 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  larger  streams  mark  the 
lines  of  migration,  as  it  is  along  these  the  works  are 
chiefly  ranged.  But  the  interior  of  these  monuments 
when  exposed  by  excavation  tell  a  different  tale,  at 
least  so  far  as  the  two  great  streams,  the  Mississippi 
and  Ohio,  are  concerned.  These  inform  us  in  terms 
too  clear  to  be  misunderstood  that  the  migration  has 
been  across  these  water  highways  instead  of  along 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  153 

their  courses.  There  is  no  stretch  along  the  Missis 
sippi  where  mounds  and  contents  of  a  similar  type 
line  either  side  for  a  greater  distance  than  the  western 
bank  from  Dubuque  to  the  Des  Moines  river,  Iowa. 
As  we  move  up  and  down,  we  find  repeated  changes 
from  one  type  to  another,  indicating  the  presence  of 
different  tribes  or  different  customs.  However,  art 
lines  and  even  custom  lines  often  cross  ethnic  lines 
or  fail  to  coincide  therewith.  The  chief  pottery 
belt,  sweeping  round  in  a  crescent  from  middle 
Tennessee  through  western  Kentucky,  southern  Illi 
nois  and  south-eastern  Missouri,  culminating  in  east 
ern  Arkansas,  must,  in  the  golden  age  of  the  mound- 
builders,  have  embraced  two  or  three,  if  not  more, 
tribes,  belonging  apparently  to  different  stocks.  In 
Tennessee  and  southern  Illinois  the  chief  mode  of 
burial  was  in  box-shaped  stone  sarcophagi,  a  mode  of 
sepulture  almost  entirely  unknown  in  that  part  of  the 
crescent  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Comparing  the  antiquities  of  the  different  sections 
of  the  division,  it  would  seem  that  some  in  the 
Gulf  States,  in  Ohio,  south-eastern  Indiana,  and  in 
Illinois,  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Louis,  bear  indications 
of  greatest  age,  while  those  of  New  York  and  Canada 
present  the  fewest  evidences  of  antiquity.  That  the 
latter  are  attributable  to  the  Iroquoian  and  possibly 
Algonquian  tribes  inhabiting  those  sections  at  the  time 
they  were  first  visited  by  the  whites,  is  now  generally 
conceded,  but  the  particular  tribes  or  even  stocks  to 
whom  the  former  are  to  be  ascribed  is  yet  an  unsettled 
question.  The  author  has  given  reasons  in  previous 
publications  for  believing  that  some  of  the  principal 
works  in  Ohio  and  the  valley  of  the  Great  Kanawha, 


154  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

West  Virginia,  are  attributable  to  the  Cherokees, 
with  whom  he  identifies  the  traditional  Tallegwi  or 
Tallega.  This  view  has  also  been  adopted  by  some 
leading  authorities. 

The  fact  that  the  mound-builders  do  not  appear  to 
have  extended  their  permanent  settlements  eastward 
of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  north  of  Tennessee  and 
North  Carolina,  would  seem  to  mark  this  chain  as  an 
important  prehistoric  boundary  line.  While  various 
speculations,  more  or  less  reasonable,  may  be  based 
on  this  fact,  there  is  one  deduction  which  it  would 
seem  may  be  fairly  drawn  therefrom.  This  is,  that 
the  mound-builders  did  not  enter  their  territory  from 
the  Atlantic  coast ;  or  to  be  on  still  safer  ground,  that 
the  custom  of  building  mounds  was  not  derived  from 
that  direction.  Nevertheless,  the  culture  and  type 
zones,  so  far  as  they  have  any  bearing  on  the  question 
of  prehistoric  migration,  appear  to  indicate  that  this 
w^as  along  east  and  west  lines.  The  chief  stone-grave 
area  extends  from  southern  Illinois  to  northern 
Georgia ;  it  is  almost  exclusively  along  the  same  line 
that  the  few  stone  images  and  certain  types  of  copper 
articles  have  been  discovered ;  and  certain  types  of 
mounds  and  pipes  have  been  found  chiefly  along  a 
line  extending  from  eastern  Iowa  through  Ohio  and 
West  Virginia  to  eastern  Tennessee  and  western  North 
Carolina.  The  chief  pottery  belt  has  already  been 
mentioned ;  and  what  may  be  appropriately  termed 
the  Huron-Iroquois  belt  extends  from  the  lower  St. 
Lawrence  river  to  Lake  Michigan.  In  the  Gulf  States 
there  is  a  strong  general  resemblance  of  types  from 
the  Mississippi  river  to  South  Carolina.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  effigy  mounds  are  confined  almost  exclu- 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  155 

sively  to  the  region  west  of  Lake  Michigan  ;  and  the 
section  void  of  mounds,  as  already  stated,  lies  to  the 
east  of  the  Alleghany  range. 

There  are,  however,  some  features  which  appear  to 
indicate  erratic  movements  or  the  breaking  away  of 
minor  groups  from  the  main  bodies.  The  explora 
tions  made  by  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore  in  the  sand 
mounds  of  north-eastern  Florida  have  brought  to 
light  a  number  of  types  which  seem  to  show  inter 
course  of  the  builders  with  the  authors  of  the  mounds 
and  stone-graves  of  middle  Tennessee,  though  no 
stone-graves  are  found  in  the  Florida  region.  Two 
or  three  effigies  occur  in  Ohio  and  two  in  Georgia  ; 
and  two  or  three  tribes  of  the  Siouan  stock  formerly 
resided  in  North  and  South  Carolina.  The  buttressed 
walls  of  the  inclosures  in  south-western  Indiana  and 
west  Tennessee  heretofore  referred  to,  of  similar 
type  to  those  of  Aztalan,  Wisconsin,  suggest  another 
wandering  branch  of  the  Wisconsin  mound-builders, 
probably  Siouan.  Another  fact  to  be  noticed  in  this 
connection  is,  that  the  types  of  eastern  Arkansas, 
north  of  the  mouth  of  Arkansas  river,  appear  to  be 
wholly  disconnected  from  those  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Mississippi  opposite  thereto.  The  pottery,  as  before 
stated,  connects  with  the  middle  Tennessee  types  by 
way  of  south-eastern  Missouri  and  southern  Illinois, 
but  there  seems  to  be  no  connection  between  the  op 
posite  sides  of  the  river  from  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas  river.  But  this  rule 
does  not  appear  to  apply  to  the  section  south  of  the 
latter,  as  there  is  some  evidence  here  of  ancient 
intercourse  in  the  resemblance  seen  in  some  of  the 
types. 


156          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Although  the  monuments  indicate,  to  some  extent, 
movements  of  population,  yet  until  those  of  a  par 
ticular  class  or  locality  can  be  assigned  with  reason 
able  certainty  to  a  particular  stock  or  tribe,  they  aid 
but  little  in  tracing  these  movements.  Moveover,  it 
is  presumable  that  during  the  mound-building  age, 
the  mound-building  tribes  were  generally  sedentary. 

The  physical  conditions  of  the  section  present  no 
features  calculated  to  determine  the  chief  line  or 
lines  of  migration.  The  great  rivers  have  been  re 
ferred  to  as  marking  these  lines,  but,  as  has  been 
shown,  the  mound  testimony  does  not  favor  this  theory, 
at  least  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Mississippi  and 
Ohio,  and  the  rivers  south  of  the  lakes,  except  per 
haps  the  Wisconsin.  The  St.  Lawrence  and  some  of 
the  streams  north  of  the  lakes  were  apparently  lines 
of  migration.  There  are,  however,  no  physical  reasons 
why  migrations  within  this  area  might  not  have  been 
in  any  direction.  It  is  true  there  are  some  lines  which 
are  traversed  with  greater  ease  than  others,  but  there 
are  no  physical  features  sufficiently  prominent  to 
justify  us  in  basing  thereon  a  theory  of  migration. 
It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  turn  to  language,  tra 
ditions,  customs  and  folk-lore  in  any  attempt  to  trace 
the  migrations  of  tribes  which  brought  them  to  their 
historic  seats.  Several  theories  have  been  advanced 
as  to  the  point  or  points  of  original  entry,  or  direction 
whence  the  immigrants  came,  but,  as  all  except  two 
seem  to  have  been  abandoned,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
allude  to  these.  One  of  them,  which  is  advocated  by 
some  of  our  leading  ethnologists  and  linguists,  is  that 
the  initial  point  was  on  or  near  the  north  Atlantic 
coast,  and  the  general  movement  west  and  south.  As 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  157 

the  author  has  given  his  reasons  elsewhere  (American 
Antiquarian,  1896)  for  rejecting  this  theory,  they  will 
not  be  repeated  here.  That  opinion  which  has  gener 
ally  prevailed  in  the  past,  and  is  still  maintained  by  a 
large  portion  of  the  students  of  the  present  day,  is 
that  the  movement  has  been  mainly  from  the  north 
west  toward  the  south,  south-east  and  east. 

So  far  as  linguistic  and  traditional  evidence  can  be 
traced,  it  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  general 
movement,  in  prehistoric  times,  of  the  stocks  in  the 
United  States,  was  toward  the  south  and  the  south 
east.  The  body  of  the  Siouan  stock  was  about  the 
headwaters  of  the  Mississippi  river,  while  its  offshoots 
were  in  Arkansas,  southern  Mississippi  and  the  west 
ern  part  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  the  latter  group 
claiming  to  have  migrated  from  the  north-west.  The 
Iroquoin  family  was  located,  as  above  stated,  around 
Lake  Ontario,  one  offshoot  was  in  south-eastern  Vir 
ginia,  and  another,  the  Cherokees,  about  the  head 
waters  of  Tennessee  river.  The  latter  tribe,  as  ap 
pears  from  traditional  and  other  evidence,  formerly 
lived  about  the  upper  Ohio  and  were  mound-builders. 
That  the  widely  separated  localities  of  these  outlying 
bodies,  from  the  stocks  to  which  they  belong,  are 
proofs  of  migration,  can  not  be  denied,  and  that  the 
direction  of  the  movements  was  south  and  south-east, 
seems  apparent,  from  the  fact  that  the  offshoots  are 
all  south  of  the  main  bodies. 

Whatever  theory  is  adopted,  it  must  have  in  the 
background  a  door  of  possible  entry  leading  to  a  source 
of  supply  (i.  e.  population) .  The  theory  of  an  eastern 
origin  seemingly  looks  across  the  Atlantic  to  southern 
Europe  or  northern  Africa,  and  is  so  stated  by  some 


158  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

advocates.  The  doorway  open  to  the  other  theory, 
which  the  author  believes  to  be  the  correct  one,  will 
become  apparent  in  the  sequel.  As  the  writer  has 
given  elsewhere  (American  Antiquarian,  1896-7)  a 
somewhat  full  statement  of  the  supposed  prehistoric 
movements  of  population  in  the  Atlantic  division,  a 
brief  summary  only  will  be  presented  here. 

The  movements  of  the  tribes  of  the  Algonquian 
family  appear  to  have  been  toward  the  south,  south 
east  and  east,  until  the  rising  power  of  the  Iroquois 
and  the  planting  of  European  colonies  along  the  At 
lantic  coast  caused  a  recoil  and  return  toward  the 
west.  This  historic  westward  movement  and  certain 
traditions  referring  to  limited  westward  movements 
west  of  Lake  Huron,  appear  to  have  given  rise  to  the 
theory  of  an  eastern  origin.  The  initial  point  of  the 
Algonquian  movement  will  appear,  from  a  thorough 
examination  of  the  subject,  to  have  been  in  the  area 
north  and  north-west  of  Lake  Superior. 

Mr.  Gallatin,  w^ho  studied  the  languages  of  the 
family  with  special  care,  expresses  the  opinion  in  his 
"Synopsis  of  the  Indian  Tribes/'  that  the  northern 
Algonquins.  those  dwelling  north  of  the  lakes,  were 
the  original  stock.  Dr.  Horatio  Hale,  though  main 
taining  a  general  movement  westward  and  southward, 
says  in  his  "Indian  Migrations"  (American  Anti 
quarian,  V.),  "The  country  from  which  the  Lenape 
[Delawares]  migrated  was  Shinaki'  'the  land  of  fir 
trees/  not  in  the  west,  but  in  the  far  north,  evidently 
the  woody  region  north  of  Lake  Superior."  Dr. 
Brinton  ("Lenape  and  their  Legends"),  remarks  as 
follows  in  regard  to  the  tribal  relations:  "Which  of 
them  [the  dialects]  had  preserved  the  ancient  forms 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  159 

most  closely,  it  may  be  premature  to  decide  positively, 
but  the  tendency  of  modern  studies  lias  been  to  assign 
that  place  to  the  Cree,  the  northernmost  of  all." 

The  author  has  given  in  the  papers  above  referred 
to  what  he  believes  are  sufficient  reasons  for  conclud 
ing  that  the  Lenape  migration,  which  probably  in 
cluded  other  tribes  than  the  Delaware,  crossed  to  the 
south  side  of  the  lakes  in  the  region  of  Michilimack- 
inac,  entering  the  southern  Michigan  peninsula.  Here, 
after  a  long  halt,  they  divided,  a  part,  probably  the 
Shawnees,  going  south  ;  another,  possibly  the  Miamis, 
remaining  in  southern  Michigan  ;  the  rest  (the  Dela- 
wares,  Nanticokes,  etc.)  moving  onward  toward  the 
Atlantic  coast.  That  the  Ojibwas,  who  were  first 
heard  of  by  Europeans  as  living  in  the  vicinity  of  Sault 
Ste.  Marie,  formerly  resided  north  of  Lake  Superior 
near  the  Crees,  with  whom  they  are  closely  related 
linguistically,  is  more  than  probable.  As  tradition 
makes  the  Ottawas  and  Pottawotomis  originally  one 
with  the  Ojibwas,  they  must  have  come  from  the  same 
quarter.  The  Mascoutens  entered  the  southern  Mich 
igan  peninsula  at  its  northern  point  and  passed  around 
the  lake  into  Wisconsin.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes,  mov 
ing  down  the  eastern  shores  of  Lake  Huron,  came  in 
contact  with  the  Hurons  and  were  pressed  westward 
through  southern  Michigan  into  Wisconsin. 

These  westward  movements  are  easily  explained  on 
the  theory  advanced.  Supposing  the  Algonquian 
stream  to  have  had  its  source  in  .the  region  south  and 
west  of  Hudson's  Bay ;  flowing  south-east,  the  Huron- 
Iroquois  stock,  located  along  the  northern  shores  of 
lakes  Erie  and  Ontario,  would  be  a  barrier  which  would 
turn  its  southern  branch  south  and  west  precisely  as 


1GO  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  movements  of  the  tribes  appear  to  have  been,  and 
which  we  know  were  accelerated  at  a  later  day  by  the 
attacks  of  the  Iroquois.  The  northern  branch  would 
pass  on  toward  the  east  along  the  Ottawa  and  other 
streams.  The  Nascapee  of  Labrador,  the  most  north 
eastern  tribe  of  the  family,  claim  by  their  traditions 
to  have  migrated  from  the  west  coast  of  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  the  close  linguistic  relation  of  the  Montagnais 
to  the  Crees  and  Ojibwas  indicates  that  they  came 
from  the  same  region.  Dr.  Hayden  and  G.  B.  Grin- 
nel  agree  in  locating  the  former  home  of  the  Siksika 
(Blackfeet)  far  north  in  British  America,  the  latter, 
with  a  considerable  array  of  evidence,  as  far  north  as 
the  Lesser  Slave  Lake.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that 
the  movements  point  to  the  region  along  the  southern 
and  western  shore  of  Hudson's  Bay  as  the  original 
home  of  the  family. 

Some  of  the  traditions,  it  is  true,  allude  to  the  tidal 
sea,  but  when  these  are  carefully  studied  it  will  be 
seen  that  they  apply  more  readily  to  Hudson's  Bay 
than  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  or  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 
For  example,  it  is  stated  in  the  Lenape  Legend  (Walam 
Olum)  that  in  leaving  the  sea  and  going  toward  the 
east  or  south-east  (as  the  north  is  spoken  of  as  in  the 
rear),  they  moved  up  the  streams  in  their  canoes. 
This  will  apply  correctly  to  Hudson's  Bay,  but  by  no 
possible  straining  to  the  Atlantic  coast.  That  New 
England  and  the  Atlantic  coast  regions  south  to  Vir 
ginia  were  peopled  from  the  Delaware  group  is  the 
prevailing  opinion  of  ethnologists  of  the  present  day. 

Little  can  be  said  in  regard  to  the  prehistoric  move 
ments  of  the  Iroquoian  tribes.  That  the  offshoots  in 
Carolina  and  Virginia  came  from  the  north  is  con- 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  161 

ceded.  It  is  also  conceded  that  the  entire  family,  ex 
clusive  of  these  offshoots,  resided  in  former  times 
north  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  weight  of  evidence 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  they  preceded  the  Algon- 
quins  in  the  occupancy  of  the  eastern  region.  If  the 
conclusion  reached  in  regard  to  the  movements  of  the 
Algonquins  is  accepted,  it  would  seem  reasonable  to 
assume  that  the  Iroquois  moved  in  the  same  general 
direction.  Moreover,  if  the  place  where  they  were 
encountered  by  the  Lenape  was  at  the  west  end  of 
Lake  Erie,  as  seems  probable  from  the  tradition  of  the 
latter,  this  would  indicate  that  the  Hurons  were,  at 
this  early  date,  immediately  east  of  Detroit  river.  Dr. 
Daniel  Wilson,  basing  his  conclusion  on  a  tradition 
that  they  formerly  dwelt  by  the  side  of  the  sea,  locates 
this  primal  seat  on  the  Atlantic  coast  north-east  of  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  But  this  tradition  might 
as  well  apply  to  the  shore  of  Hudson's  Bay  as  the  At 
lantic  coast,  as  the  dim  remembrance  of  having  dwelt 
by  the  side  of  the  sea  would  naturally  have  been  trans 
ferred  by  them,  after  long  residence  on  the  St.  Law 
rence  and  a  knowledge  of 'the  ocean,  to  its  shore.  It 
is  significant  that  Brownell,  whom  he  quotes,  says  : 
"Some  fanciful  tales  of  a  supernatural  origin  from 
the  heart  of  a  mountain  ;  a  migration  to  the  eastern 
seaboard ;  and  of  a  subsequent  return  to  the  country 
of  the  lakes  and  rivers,  where  they  finally  settled, 
comprise  most  that  is  noticeable  in  the  traditions  of 
the  Six  Nations  prior  to  the  confederation."  This 
tradition  appears  to  furnish  the  key  to  the  problem, 
and  indicates  a  western  origin. 

The  opinion  advanced  by  some  ethnologists  that  the 
11 


162  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

movements  of  the  Siouan  tribes  in  prehistoric  times 
have  been  from  the  south-east  to  the  north-west  is 
based  chiefly  on  the  archaic  character  of  the  dialects 
of  the  eastern  tribes  (Tutelo,  Saponi  and  Catawba) 
and  theory  of  general  westward  movements.  How 
ever,  it  is  admitted  that  the  Winnebago  dialect 
stands  in  relation  to  the  Tutelo  as  the  Mohawk  to 
the  Huron  in  the  Iroquoian  family.  The  opinion, 
however,  that  these  southern  tribes  are  offshoots 
from  the  main  body  of  the  family  group  in  the  north 
west  seems  to  be  too  well  grounded  to  be  overturned 
by  anv  evidence  or  arguments  which  have,  as  yet, 
been  presented. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  great  body  of  the  family  at 
the  earliest  notice  of  them  obtained  by  Europeans  was 
located  in  the  north-west  chiefly  about  the  headwaters 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  tradition  of  the  south-eastern 
tribes,  as  given  by  Lederer  and  others,  is  that  they 
came  from  the  north-west.  Gallatin  says  that  the 
tradition  of  the  Towas,  Missouris,  Otos,  Omahas  and 
Poncas  (Siouan  tribes)  is,  "that,  at  a  distant  epoch, 
they,  together  with  the  Winnebagoes,  came  from  the 
north  ;  that  the  Winnebagoes  stopped  on  the  banks  of 
Lake  Michigan  while  they  continued  their  course 
southerly,  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and  occupied  the 
seats  in  which  they  were  found  by  the  Europeans." 
Most  of  the  south-western  tribes  claim  that  they  are  off 
shoots  from  the  Winnebagos,  a  claim  which  Dr.  Hale 
says  Mr.  Dorsey  has  shown  by  linguistic  evidence  to 
be  correct.  The  general  trend,  therefore,  of  the  evi 
dence  is  that  the  place  of  dispersion  was  in  the  north 
west,  and  that  the  course  of  migration  has  been  south 
and  south-east.  The  tradition  of  the  lowas  refers  to 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  163 

crossing  some  water  in  the  region  of  the  great  lakes 
in  their  journey  from  the  north-east.  The  Winne- 
bagos,  according  to  Schoolcraft,  claim  to  have  come 
from  some  point  north  of  the  lakes,  apparently  around 
the  east  end  of  Lake  Superior.  It  would  seem  prob 
able  from  their  relation  to  the  Sioux  and  Assiniboins 
of  the  north-western  plains  that  all  had  come  from 
some  locality  north  of  Lake  Superior  and  west  of 
Hudson's  Bay,  the  western  tribes  moving  south 
around  the  west  end  of  the  lake  and  the  Winnebagos 
and  their  offshoots  around  the  east  end.  The  Siouan 
migrations  were  probably  in  advance  of  those  of  the 
Algonquins,  and  it  is  possible  that  the  Tutelo  and 
other  south-eastern  tribes  separated  from  the  Winne- 
bago  group  in  the  region  of  Michilimackinac  and 
passed  south  through  Michigan  and  Ohio. 

Although  there  are  traditions  in  regard  to  the  mi 
grations  of  the  Muskhogean  tribes,  we  learn  but  little 
therefrom  except  the  fact  or  belief  that  they  came 
from  some  place  in  the  west.  On  this  point  there  are 
no  dissenting  views  ;  but  from  what  place  or  region 
in  the  west  is  an  unanswered  question.  That  they 
and  other  tribes  of  the  Gulf  States  had  long  resided 
in  that  section  when  first  encountered  by  Europeans, 
is  indicated  by  the  numerous  monuments  scattered 
over  the  south,  which,  as  the  evidence  shows,  are  at 
tributable  to  these  aborigines.  According  to  Mr. 
Gatschet,  wahali,  the  Hitchiti  word  for  "south" 
(which  appears  to  be  the  same  as  the  Creek  term, 
wahali}  signified  originally  "down-stream."  This 
would  seem  to  imply  that  it  had  been  adopted  from 
the  course  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  rivers  east  of 
that  stream.  It  is  not  probable  that  a  term  with  this 


164  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

signification  would  have  been  adopted  for  "south" 
while  residing  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

A  notion  has  prevailed,  to  a  considerable  extent, 
that  the  builders  of  the  principal  earthworks  of  Ohio 
and  Kentucky  moved  south,  and  were  incorporated 
into  the  tribes  of  the  Gulf  States  or  were  ancestors  of 
these  tribes.  A  careful  study  of  the  Ohio  works, 
their  mode  of  construction  and  their  contents,  does 
not  confirm  this  theory ;  in  fact,  the  evidence  they 
furnish  is  decidedly  against  it,  as  it  shows  that  there 
is  a  marked  distinction  between  the  mode  of  construc 
tion  and  contents  of  the  works  of  Ohio  and  those  of 
the  Gulf  States.  A  few  of  the  Kentucky  works  ap 
pear  to  be  of  the  same  types  as  some  of  those  in  the 
south  ;  on  the  contrary,  however,  those  of  Tennessee 
are  essentially  different,  if  we  except  some  found 
along  the  Savannah  river.  We  therefore  derive  little 
aid  on  this  question  from  the  antiquities.  That  the 
Muskhogees  moved  from  the  north,  southward,  is  quite 
probable,  in  fact  may  be  assumed,  and  that  they  pre 
ceded  the  other  stocks,  which  we  have  mentioned,  in  the 
occupancy  of  the  district,  may  be  considered  as  evident. 
Whether  they  moved  southward  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Mississippi  or  west  of  it,  can  not  be  decided  ;  how 
ever,  the  weight  of  evidence  and  authorities  appears 
to  be  in  favor  of  the  west  side. 

Perhaps  we  are  not  advancing  too  far  into  the  field 
of  conjecture  in  assuming  with  Morgan  a  possible  re 
lation  of  some  kind,  at  a  very  distant  date,  between 
the  Muskhogean  and  Siouan  groups. 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  Mr.  Gatschet,  without 
having  any  reference  to  this  supposition,  remarks  as 


Duration  of  the  Mound-Building  Age.  165 

follows  in  his  work  on  the  "Migration  Legend  of  the 
Creeks": 

"One  of  the  most  ancient  features  of  an  Indian 
language  is  reduplication  for  inflectional  purposes. 
In  this  we  observe  a  thorough  difference  between 
Maskoki  and  the  languages  west  of  the  Mississippi 
river.  In  Maskoki,  the  second  syllable  is  the  redupli 
cated  one  in  adjectives  and  verbs  ;  west  of  the  river, 
at  least  in  Tonica,  Atakapa,  and  Tonkawe,  it  is  the 
first  one.  Linguists  able  to  appreciate  this  circum 
stance  fully,  will  not  deny  that  it  is  of  great  weight  in 
separating  certain  classes  of  linguistic  families  from 
each  other,  and  consequently,  to  assign  them  different 
areas  in  primordial  epochs.  The  Sahaptin  and  the 
Dakotan  excepted,  no  other  linguistic  family  of  North 
America  is  known  to  me  which  reduplicates  for  inflec 
tional  (not  for  derivational)  purposes  in  the  same 
manner  as  Maskoki." 

These,  it  is  true,  are  but  slight  pointers  ;  neverthe 
less,  as  they  drop  into  place  with  other  indications, 
we  are  justified  in  adopting  this  supposition  until 
some  sufficient  reason  for  abandoning  it  is  presented. 

It  has  been  suggested  in  the  past  by  one  or  two 
authorities,  although  the  idea  has  not  received  any 
modern  support,  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Iroquoian 
and  Siouan  families  were  at  a  very  remote  date 
united,  or  in  other  words,  that  the  two  groups  had 
the  same  origin. 

It  would  seem  from  what  has  been  presented,  that 
the  prehistoric  migrations  of  the  different  stocks,  if 
they  have  been  traced  with  reasonable  certainty,  point 
to  a  primitive  home  north  of  Lake  Superior. 

There  is  another  fact  which  appears  to  have  some 


166  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

bearing  on  the  question  of  the  general  course  of  migra 
tion  in  this  section.  This  is  the  distribution  of  copper  as 
revealed  by  mound  explorations.  Although  the  writer 
is  inclined  to  believe  that  more  of  the  copper  found  in 
mounds  was  derived  from  foreign  sources  than  is  gen 
erally  supposed,  it  is  nevertheless  certain  that  the 
larger  portion  was  obtained  from  the  mines  of  the 
Lake  Superior  region.  Numerous  specimens  from 
this  source  have  been  found  in  all  parts  of  the  mound 
area,  even  to  the  extreme  east  and  south-east.  It  is 
true  that  the  use  of  this  metal  would,  after  its  discov 
ery,  gradually  travel  back  along  the  line,  though  the 
migration  was  westward  ;  yet  its  early  distribution,  as 
shown  by  its  presence  in  the  oldest  mounds,  would  in 
dicate  a  long  acquaintance  with  the  source  of  supply. 
And  this  acquaintance  would  have  been  much  earlier 
if  the  migration  was  from  the  north-west  than  if  it 
had  been  from  the  east.  If  the  tribes  in  the  north 
west  came  from  the  east,  the  movement  would  have 
been  north-westward,  and,  after  the  discovery  of  the 
copper  mines  of  the  Lake  Superior  region,  the  knowl 
edge  of  it  and  the  custom  of  using  it  would  have  been 
carried  onward  by  the  migrating  tribes.  It  appears, 
however,  that  precisely  the  contrary  is  the  fact.  We 
learn  from  "Notes  on  the  Western  Dene,"  by  Rev.  A. 
G.  Morice,  who  has  been  for  many  years  a  mission 
ary  to  that  people  and  is  well  acquainted  with  their 
customs  and  traditions,  that  although  they  made  some 
use  of  copper  in  prehistoric  times,  it  appears  from 
their  traditions  that  it  was  brought  from  the  north 
western  coast. 

Rev.  E.   Petitot  (Rapport  succinct  sur  la  Geologie 
des  valles  de  I'Athabascan)  says  :   "Before  the  arrival 


Duration  of  tlie  Mound-Building  Age.  167 

of  Europeans  in  the  valley  of  the  Mackenzie,  the 
'Yellow-knives'  and  the  'Dog-ribs'  were  acquainted 
with  the  use  of  the  native  copper,  which  they  found 
on  the  borders  of  the  Copper-mine  river.  Of  this 
they  manufactured  knives,  from  which  they  received 
their  name.  They  made  use  at  the  same  time  of  pol 
ished  stone.  Therefore  we  have  here  the  contempo 
raneity  of  polished  stone  and  bronze.  The  'Hares' 
(Peaux-de-Lievre) ,  on  their  part,  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  use  of  copper  and  did  not  give  themselves  the 
trouble  to  polish  their  instruments  of  stone,  had  dis 
covered  the  length  of  the  Mackenzie  to  the  mouth  of 
the  river  L'e  ota-la  delin . "  It  appears  from  these  facts 
that  the  copper  used  by  these  north-western  tribes  was 
not  brought  from  the  Lake  Superior  mines,  but  from 
other  more  northern  and  western  sources.  How  far 
north-west  Lake  Superior  copper  is  found  in  mounds 
is  unknown  to  the  writer.  It  is  at  any  rate  reason 
able  to  suppose  it  was  in  use  among  the  Crees,  but  not 
among  any  tribe  north  and  west  of  them.  If  this  be 
correct,  it  is  a  fact  having  an  important  bearing  on 
the  questions  relating  to  the  trend  of  the  general  mi 
grations.  It  indicates  that  these  migrations  were 
south  and  east,  instead  of  north-west. 

Another  fact  which  has  a  strong  bearing  on  the 
questions  relating  to  the  migrations  of  the  Siouaii 
tribes,  which  has  not  been  mentioned,  is  that  the 
north-western  tribes  of  the  family,  or  at  least  most  of 
them,  did  not  cultivate  the  soil,  did  not  rely  upon 
agriculture  for  any  portion  of  their  subsistence — in 
fact,  when  first  encountered  by  the  whites,  cultivated 
no  corn.  If  they  had  resided  in  the  Ohio  valley  be 
fore  going  to  the  north-west^  unless  previous  to  the 


168  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

cultivation  of  this  cereal  in  the  southern  section,  they 
would  undoubtedly  have  acquired  the  custom  and 
carried  it  with  them.  There  is,  however,  no  one,  it  is 
presumed,  who  will  contend  that  this  movement  was 
at  such  an  early  date  as  to  precede  the  cultivation  of 
this  cereal,  for  it  is  not  likely  they  would  have  left  this 
region,  which  is  one  of  the  most  attractive  in  the  At 
lantic  section,  except  under  strong  pressure  from 
other  tribes. 

Some  general  remarks  in  regard  to   Indian  migra 
tions  will  be  presented  in  a  future  chapter. 


The  Pacific  Division.  169 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    PACIFIC    DIVISION. 

This  division,  as  already  stated,  embraces  all  the 
western  part  of  North  America,  including  the  whole 
of  the  great  mountain  divide  to  the  eastern  ridge  of 
the  Rocky  Mountain  chain,  the  Athapascan  territory 
on  the  north,  and  all  of  Mexico  and  Central  America 
on  the  south.  The  ethnology  and  archaeology  of  the 
intermontane  region  appear  to  be  closely  allied  by 
most  of  their  leading  characteristics  to  those  of  the 
Pacific  slope,  while  on  the  other  hand  they  are  quite 
distinct  from  those  of  the  Atlantic  division  ;  hence 
the  ethnology  of  the  mountain  region  must,  as  would 
naturally  be  presumed,  be  included  in  the  Pacific  di 
vision. 

If  we  take  Major  Powell's  Linguistic  Map  accom 
panying  the  7th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology,  and  draw  a  line  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  extreme  headwaters  of  the 
upper  Saskatchewan  river,  and  another  thence  to  the 
vicinity  of  Hudson's  Bay  near  the  mouth  of  Churchill 
river,  these  will  correspond  very  closely  with  the  lines 
separating  the  two  great  divisions  as  herein  outlined, 
and  also  almost  exactly  with  the  dividing  lines  be 
tween  the  linguistic  stocks  of  the  two  great  divisions, 
if  the  Athapascan  be  included  in  the  Pacific  group. 
This  stock  has  usually  been  considered  as  belonging 
to  the  Atlantic  slope,  as  it  is  found  chiefly  east 


170  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

of  the  Rocky  Mountain  range  ;  however,  as  will  ap 
pear  further  on,  all  the  affinities  of  the  group  are  with 
the  Pacific  division,  and,  although  some  of  the  tribes 
have  long  been  in  contact  with,  or  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Algonquin  Crees  of  the  Hudson  region,  they  still 
exhibit  more  of  the  north  Pacific  types  in  their  cus 
toms,  arts,  etc.,  than  of  the  Atlantic. 

No  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  designate  the  dif 
ferent  culture  areas  composing  this  division,  as  our 
knowledge  in  regard  to  the  archaeology  of  California 
and  the  regions  north,  and  of  north-western  Mexico  is 
too  imperfect  to  justify  us  in  so  doing.  However,  as 
a  matter  of  convenience  in  making  comparisons  and 
to  avoid  repeated  explanations,  the  division  will  be 
considered  in  four  geographical  sections,  as  follows  : 

1.  The  Mexican  section,  including  most  of  Mexico 
and  all  of  Central  America,  embracing  the  region  of 
the    most    advanced    civilization    of    ancient    North 
America. 

2.  The  Intermontane   or  Pueblo  section,  including 

o 

the  region  extending  from  the  western  border  of 
Texas  to  California  and  from  central  Utah  to  Zaca- 
tecas  in  Mexico.  In  other  words,  the  region  of  the 
Pueblos  (in  the  modern  sense  in  which  that  term  is 
used)  and  cliff  houses. 

3.  California. 

4.  The  Northern  section,  including  the  coast  region 
north  of  California  to  the  Eskimo  territory,  and  the 
area  occupied  by  the  northern  Athapascans  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  range. 

The  North  Pacific  Section — Athapascan  Region. 

As  the  marked  variations  in  several  respects  found 


The  Pacific  Division.  171 

in  the  different  parts  of  the  area  included  in  this  sec 
tion  forbid  any  general  classification  of  types  appli 
cable  to  the  whole  section,  brief  reference  will  be  made 
to  these  different  parts  successively. 

Turning  again  to  the  linguistic  map  above  men 
tioned,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  northern  Athapascan 
group  covers  the  larger  portion  of  Alaska  and  north 
western  British  America.  There  are  two  or  three 
small  outlying  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Oregon  and 
California,  while  the  southern  group  of  the  family 
spreads  over  the  larger  portion  of  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico,  extending  to  an  undefined  distance  into 
northern  Mexico.  The  important  bearing  which  the 
distribution  of  this  stock  has  upon  the  question  of 
prehistoric  movements  in  the  Pacific  division  will  be 
referred  to  hereafter ;  at  this  point  reference  will  be 
made  only  to  the  northern  group. 

The  area  occupied  by  this  northern  group  offers 
very  little,  in  fact  next  to  nothing,  in  the  line  of  an 
tiquities,  and  hence  has  been  entirely  overlooked  in 
works  relating  to  prehistoric  America ;  nevertheless, 
there  are  some  types  of  art  which  have  come  down 
from  prehistoric  times,  some  indications  of  former 
position  that  are  valuable  as  a  means  of  comparison. 
Neither  mounds,  fortifications,  nor  earthworks  of  any 
kind  are  found  in  this  region,  and  but  few  artefacts 
belonging  to  a  former  age  have  been  discovered. 

From  Kev.  A.  G.  Morice,  to  whom  we  have 
heretofore  more  than  once  referred,  who  has  given 
special  attention  to  their  language  and  customs,  we 
learn  the  following  facts :  Tobacco  and  the  use  of 
the  pipe  were  unknown  to  them  until  about  1792. 
The  earliest  form  of  their  pipe  appears  to  have  been 


172  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology, 

obtained  from  their  neighbors  immediately  south. 
Most  of  their  stone  implements,  some  of  which  were 
still  in  use  a  century  ago,  were  comparatively  rude 
and  but  partly  polished.  Some  of  the  tribes,  how 
ever,  had  made  more  advance  in  this  respect  than 
others,  yet  their  finest  specimens  were  obtained  by 
barter  from  the  seacoast  Indians.  Their  so-called 
stone  axes — or  more  correctly,  celts — when  hafted, 
were  really  adzes,  as  that  shown  in  Fig.  7,  which 
could  not  be  used  in  cutting  wood  crosswise.  There 
seems  to  be  a  strong  similarity  in  the  use  of  this  im 
plement  among  the  Dene  (as  the  northern  Athapas 
cans  will  be  designated  here — this,  according  to 
Morice,  being  the  correct  native  name  of  the  people) 
to  its  use  among  Eskimos,  especially  those  Eskimos  in 
the  vicinity  of  Point  Barrow.  Mr.  Murdoch  (9th 
Annual  Report  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology)  says  : 
"Though  axes  and  hatchets  are  frequently  obtained 
(by  the  Eskimos)  by  trading,  they  are  never  used  as 
such,  but  the  head  is  removed  and  rehafted  so  as  to 
make  an  adze  of  it." 

The  other  stone  implements,  which  consist  almost 
wholly  of  arrow  and  spear  points,  scrapers,  and 
knives,  present  no  marked  peculiarities.  A  few 
pestles  have  been  found,  also  a  kind  of  stone  war  club. 
(Fig.  67.)  Rev.  Morice,  from  whose  work  our  figure 
has  been  copied,  says  that,  although  the  specimen 
figured  has  a  portion  of  the  larger  end  broken  off,  the 
outline  has  been  drawn  from  comparison  with  other 
specimens.  To  the  knob  at  the  small  end  was 
fastened  a  buckskin  line  which  being  firmly  wound 
around  the  wrist  prevented  loss  of  the  instrument  in 
battle.  This  find  is  at  least  interesting  from  the  fact 


The  Pacific  Division.  173 

that  another  implement  similar  in  form,  which  ap 
pears  to  have  been  used  for  a  similar  purpose,  was 
discovered  some  years  ago  in  Bent  county,  Colorado. 
This  specimen  (Fig.  68) ,  according  to  the  finder,  Mr. 


Fig.  67.     Dene  stone  Fig.  68.     Stone  war- 

war-club,  club,  Colorado. 

J.  B.  Aldrich,  quartermaster  in  the  United  States 
army,  was  dug  out  of  a  mound  situated  just  south 
of  the  Arkansas  river  in  Bent  county,  south-eastern 
Colorado.  He  says  :  "It  was  the  theory  of  Kit  Car 
son,  who  accompanied  the  command,  that  it  had  been 
secreted  there  by  some  of  the  Comanche  or  Apache 
Indians,  who  then  occupied  the  territory.  The  hole 
was  filled  with  the  remnants  of  the  loop  made  of 
vegetable  fiber."  (The  Apaches,  as  has  been  stated, 
are  an  offshoot  of  the  Athapascans.)  Its  marked  re 
semblance  to  the  traditional  weapon  of  the  New 
Zealanders,  known  as  Patu-patu,  was  noticed  and 
mentioned  by  the  Smithsonian  cataloguer.  How 
ever,  Judge  Wickersham,  who  is  familiar  with  the 
antiquities  and  art  of  the  north-west  coast,  says 
weapons  of  this  type  were  common  from  Alaska  to 


174          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

southern  Oregon.  The  most  serviceable  carving- 
knives  among  the  prehistoric  Dene  were  beaver  teeth 
sharpened  by  rubbing  on  a  stone. 

Morice  thinks  the  prehistoric  Dene  made  but  scant 
use  of  copper,  though  it  was  not  unknown  to  them. 
Petitot  says  that,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Europeans 
in  the  valley  of  the  Mackenzie,  two  of  the  tribes — the 
Yellow  Knives  and  Dog-Ribs — made  use  of  native 
copper  which  they  obtained  along  Coppermine  river. 
However,  some  of  the  copper  articles  in  use,  or  copper 
out  of  which  they  were  formed,  appears  to  have  been 
obtained  from  the  coast  Indians.  As  might  be  in 
ferred  from  their  extreme  northern  position,  pottery 
and  clay  articles  were  unknown  to  them,  their  vessels 
being  made  of  the  bark  of  trees. 

Brief  as  this  notice  is  of  the  antiquities  of  this  re 
gion,  it  covers  about  all  that  can  be  said  in  general 
terms  regarding  them.  So  far  as  comparison  can  be 
made  between  the  customs,  arts  and  beliefs  of  the 
Dene  and  surrounding  peoples,  they  appear  to  be 
most  nearly  related  to  those  of  the  coast  tribes.  The 
northern  Dene  were  an  inartistic  people,  having  made 
less  advance  in  this  respect  than  the  Eskimo  north  of 
them  and  less  than  the  tribes  west  or  south.  Their 
chief  importance  in  the  study  of  prehistoric  North 
America  is  the  evidence  furnished  by  their  distribu 
tion,  of  the  lines  and  general  course  of  migrations  in 
the  Pacific  division. 

It  was  a  great  triumph  of  linguistic  science  when  it 
made  known  to  the  world  that  the  Apaches  of  Arizona 
and  northern  Mexico,  the  Hupas  of  California,  the 
Navajos  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  certain  small 
tribes  on  the  coast  of  Oregon,  and  the  Lipans  near  the 


The  Pacific  Division.  175 

mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  are  relatives  of  the  northern 
Dene  and  parts  of  the  great  Athapascan  stock,  who 
had,  in  prehistoric  times,  made  their  way  southward 
to  the  regions  they  are  found  inhabiting. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  Mr.  Gatschet  is  correct  in 
tracing  the  route  of  these  two  detached  portions  of  the 
great  family  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  mountains. 
"This  southern  branch  of  the  Tinne  race,"  he  re 
marks,  "detached  itself  in  early  ages  from  the  Chip- 
ewayans,  or  from  such  other  tribe  in  their  vicinity 
to  which  the  dialectic  affinities  of  both  may  direct  us 
after  a  close  investigation.  They  followed  the  buffalo 
herds  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountain 
ridge  to  the  Pecos  river,  and  then  took  possession  of 
the  arid  regions  along  the  upper  and  lower  Rio  Grande 
and  the  Gila  river."  Their  former  positions,  so  far 
as  these  have  been  ascertained,  appear  to  correspond 
with  this  supposition.  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge,  who  has 
studied  the  subject,  is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  ap 
pearance  of  the  Navajos  in  Arizona  and  western  New 
Mexico  is  a  comparatively  recent  event,  antedating 
but  little,  if  any,  the  first  appearance  of  the  Spaniards 
in  that  region. 

It  is  reasonably  certain  that  some  of  the  offshoots 
from  this  family  which  moved  south,  and  finally  set 
tled  in  what  is  now  Oregon,  \vere  turned  westward  at 
the  great  flexure  of  the  eastern  mountain-range  in 
western  Montana.  Here,  leaving  the  headwaters  of 
the  Missouri,  they  must  have  moved  westward  over 
the  easy  passes  to  the  regions  beyond  ;  or  their  pass 
age  over  the  range  must  have  been  at  some  point 
further  north.  Possibly  the  more  southern  branches 
may  have  crossed  the  range  from  the  headwaters  of 


176  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  Missouri  and  moved  southward  through  Idaho  and 
Utah,  though  the  route  suggested  by  Mr.  Gatschet 
appears  to  be  the  more  likely  one.  However,  be  the 
conclusion  in  regard  to  the  routes  what  it  may,  the 
evidence  that  the  movements  were  southward  and 
that  the  northern  group  represents  the  original  stock, 
and  the  northern  position  the  original  home,  is  not 
questioned.  Another  important  conclusion  to  be 
drawn  from  these  facts  is,  that  the  broad,  treeless 
plains  were  a  greater  barrier  to  east  and  west  migra 
tions  than  the  great  Eocky  Mountain  ranges.  It  is, 
perhaps,  legitimate  to  conclude  that  the  route  to  the 
south-east  was  barred  by  prior  occupants.  It  is  ad 
mitted  by  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie,  and  affirmed  by 
other  explorers,  that  the  Dene  entered  their  known 
habitat  from  some  section  more  to  the  north-west,  ap 
parently  on  or  near  the  Pacific  coast,  and  were  in 
part  looked  upon  as  comparative  strangers  in  the 
southern  portion  of  the  region  occupied  by  them. 

The  North  Pacific  Coast. 

The  physical  conditions  of  the  northern  coast  re 
gion,  which  must  have  had  some  influence  in  shaping 
the  customs,  beliefs  and  arts  of  the  people,  are 
widely  different  from  those  of  the  section  inhabited 
by  the  cliff-dwellers,  and  also  of  California — in  fact, 
as  near  the  opposite  extreme  as  they  well  could  be. 
The  territory  is  mostly  very  broken  and  mountainous, 
and  the  coast  sections  much  divided  and  deeply  in 
dented  by  bays  and  water  channels.  The  waters  are 
deep  and  the  tidal  currents  swift,  the  tide  rising 
through  a  range  of  twelve  to  twenty  feet,  making 
navigation  in  places  extremely  hazardous,  yet  travel 


The  Pacific  Division.  177 

is  and  has  been  mostly  by  water.  The  country  is,  as 
a  general  rule,  densely  wooded  with  spruce,  hemlock, 
white  pine,  fir,  beech,  etc.,  a  condition  well  calculated 
to  give  a  somber  hue  to  the  beliefs  and  superstitions 
of  the  people.  As  we  should  readily  infer,  the  inti 
mate  relations  of  the  inhabitants  with  the  sea  is 
strongly  reflected  in  their  superstitions,  symbolic  fig 
ures,  and  art. 

The  most  advanced  culture  of  the  section  is  found 
among  the  Haidah  Indians,  who  have,  from  prehis 
toric  times,  inhabited  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands 
and  parts  of  Prince  of  "Wales  Archipelago.  They 
have  considerable  taste  in  the  use  of  colors  ;  are  ad 
vanced  in  the  art  of  drawing ;  their  carvings  in  wood 
and  slate  show  a  high  degree  of  culture  in  this  re 
spect.  Our  interest,  however,  lies  chiefly  in  the  fig 
ures  which  they  carve  in  slate  and  wood,  weave  into 
their  textile  fabrics,  paint  on  their  dwellings,  and 
tattoo  upon  their  bodies,  as  many,  perhaps  most,  of 
these  have  come  down  from  prehistoric  times,  and 
serve  to  throw  some  light  on  their  past. 

One  of  the  first  things  to  attract  attention  in  study 
ing  these  figures  is  the  persistent  effort  to  introduce, 
wherever  it  is  possible,  conventionalized  human  and 
animal  faces  and  forms.  Take,  for  example,  the  pic- 
tograph  shown  in  Fig.  69,  which  w£  copy  from  the 
excellent  work  by  Ensign  A.  P.  Niblack  on  "The  Coast 
Indians  of  Southern  Alaska  and  Northern  British 
Columbia,"  representing  T'kul,  the  wind  spirit,  and 
cirrus  clouds,  explaining  the  Indians'  belief  in  the 
causes  of  the  changes  of  the  weather.  The  central 
figure  is  T'kul.  On  the  right  and  left  are  his  feet,  in- 
12 


178  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

dicated   by   long   streaming   clouds.     Above,    at   the 
sides  of  the  head,  are  the  wings,  and  on  each  side  are 


Fig.  69.     North-west  coast  pictograph. 

the  different  winds,  designated  by  an  eye  and  repre 
sented  by  patches  of  cirrus  clouds. 


Fig.  70.    Ceremonial  dress  of  Chilkat  chief. 


The  Pacific  Division. 


179 


Another  characteristic  custom  of  this  north-west 
coast  region  is  the  tendency  to  place  one  figure  on 
another  in  their  carved  totem  posts  and  paintings, 
and  even  in  their  tex 
tile  fabrics.  Fig.  70 
represents  the  ceremo 
nial  dress  of  a  Chilkat 
chief.  Brown,  yellow, 
black  and  white  are 
the  colors  used,  and 
the  chief  figures  are 
conventional  represen 
tations  of  Hoorto,  the 
bear.  In  Fig.  71,  cop 
ied  from  Niblack's 
work,  is  represented 
a  totem  post  from 
the  north-west  coast, 
and  for  comparison, 
one  (the  right-hand) 
from  New  Zealand. 
In  these,  which  are 
not  the  most  charac 
teristic  that  might  be 
selected,  we  see  clearly 
displayed  the  custom 
of  placing  symbolic 
figures  one  above  an-  Fis-  71-  Totem  P°sts  of  north-west 
other  in  the  same 

group.  In  many  of  these  posts,  as  seen  in  that  at 
the  left  of  the  figure,  we  observe  the  lolling  tongue, 
often  stretching  down  to  some  animal  figure  below. 

This  mania,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  for  introducing 


180  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

symbolic  figures,  is  carried  to  such  an  extent  that  we 
find  them  not  only  in  the  places  indicated,  but  also 
on  their  war-clubs,  oars,  masks,  rattles,  and  even  on 
their  fish-hooks. 

The  strong  general  resemblance  which  many  of 
these  figures  bear  to  some  of  those  found  in  Central 
America  is  too  evident  to  be  overlooked,  whatever 
may  be  the  explanation  given.  The  method  of 
bounding  and  grouping  the  various  symbols  or  indi 
vidual  pictographs,  as  seen  in  Fig.  69,  reminds  us, 
in  the  general  appearance,  of  the  forms  and  method  of 
grouping  in  the  Maya  hieroglyphic  writing  and 
sculptured  inscriptions.  The  superimposed  square 
faces  on  the  ceremonial  robe  (Fig.  70)  are  almost  a 
repetition  in  idea  and  form  of  the  square,  conven 
tionalized  face  series  seen  in  the  facades  of  some  of 
the  ancient  Yucatec  structures,  as  the  Casa  de  Monjas 
(Fig.  101),  sculptered  front  at  Kabah,  etc.  The  cus 
tom  of  placing  one  figure  upon  another,  human  and 
animal,  as  in  the  totem  posts,  also  appears  to  some  ex 
tent  in  Central  America.  We  also  find  in  this  south 
ern  section  the  lolling  or  protruded  tongue,  as  in  the 
Sun  Tablet  of  Palenque  and  elsewhere. 

The  resemblance  between  some  of  the  north-west 
coast  figures  and  forms  seen  on  the  pottery  and  other 
works  of  art  of  the  Province  of  Chiriqui,  as  presented 
by  Mr.  Holmes  in  the  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  is  remarkable.  Re 
semblances  in  other  respects  might  be  pointed  out, 
but  those  given  will  suffice  to  direct  attention  to  lines 
of  research  which  may  prove  fruitful  in  results. 
They  are  the  more  important  from  the  fact  that  they 


The  Pacific  Division.  181 

are  not  found  when  we  cornpare  with  them  the  types 
of  California  and  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  continent. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  strong  general  sim 
ilarity  between  the  figure  types  of  the  north-west 
coast  and  those  of  the  South  Pacific  islands,  a  resem 
blance  which  has  been  repeatedly  mentioned  by 
writers,  even  by  those  who  draw  no  inference  there 
from  as  to  affinity,  relationship  or  prehistoric  inter 
course  between  the  peoples  of  the  two  sections.  The 
use  of  labrets  and  masks  are  customs  of  this  north 
west  section  unquestionably  handed  down  from  pre 
historic  times  ;  and  although  in  use  among  tribes  in 
different  parts  of  the  world,  have  some  bearing  in  the 
former  relations  of  the  people  of  this  section.  The 
custom  of  wearing  labrets  appears  to  have  been 
formerly  in  yogue  among  the  western  Eskimo  and 
southward  to  Puget  sound,  in  Mexico,  and  thence 
southward  to  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  and  among  a 
number  of  South  American  tribes  on  both  sides  of 
the  Andes.  What  renders  it  important  in  the  study 
of  the  prehistoric  times  of  North  America  is  the  fact 
that  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  prevailed  at  any  time 
in  the  interior  or  eastern  portion  thereof,  and  that  it 
was  never  in  vogue  in  that  portion  of  the  western 
coast  between  Columbia  river  and  Mexico.  Why  it 
should  have  spread  along  this  western  border  of  the 
northern  continent  among  widely  diverse  ethnic 
stocks,  yet  skipping  the  California  region  as  tabooed 
territory,  is  a  question  difficult  to  answer.  In  this 
fact,  however,  we  see  another  of  those  strange  links 
apparently  connecting  the  customs  of  the  north-west 
coast  with  those  of  the  Central  American  region. 

The  use  of  masks  in  ceremonies,  dances,  etc.,  was 


182  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

an  important  custom  of  the  tribes  of  the  north-west 
coast  and  in  Mexico  and  Central  America.  Although 
in  use  among  the  western  Eskimo,  they  were,  accord 
ing  to  Dr.  Bessels,  unknown  in  Greenland.  It  also 
appears  to  be  certain  that  the  use  of  masks  by  the 
people  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  continent  was  com 
paratively  rare  and  formed  no  prominent  feature  of 
their  festivals  and  ceremonies.  The  custom  of  tattoo 
ing,  which  prevailed  in  certain  sections  of  the  west 
coast,  appears  also  to  have  been  a  survival  from  pre 
historic  times,  and  forms  an  item  of  evidence  in  study 
ing  the  relations  of  these  tribes. 

The  articles  of  stone  formerly  in  use  in  this  section 
are,  as  a  general  rule,  similar  to  those  of  the  Eskimo 
already  mentioned.  The  exceptions  are  the  carved 
slate  articles  of  the  Haidahs  on  the  one  side  and 
the  stone  lamps  and  pots  of  the  Eskimo  on  the  other 
side. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  mode  of  burial  only 
reaches  back  to  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury.  Dixon  describes  the  method  followed  by  the 
Yakutat  as  follows  : 

"The  manner  in  which  they  dispose  of  their  dead 
is  very  remarkable .  They  separate  the  head  from  the 
body,  and,  wrapping  them  in  furs,  the  head  is  put 
into  a  square  box  ;  the  body  in  a  kind  of  oblong  chest. 
At  each  end  of  the  chest  which  contains  the  body,  a 
thick  pole  about  ten  feet  long  is  driven  into  the  earth 
in  a  slanting  position,  so  that  the  upper  ends  meet 
together,  and  are  very  firmly  lashed  with  a  kind  of 
rope  prepared  for  the  purpose.  About  two  feet  from 
the  top  of  this  arch  a  small  piece  of  timber  goes  across, 
and  is  very  neatly  fitted  to  each  pole  ;  on  this  piece  of 


The  Pacific  Division.  183 

timber  the  box  which  contains  the  head  is  fixed  and 
very  strongly  secured  with  rope  ;  the  box  is  frequently 
decorated  with  two  or  three  rows  of  small  shells,  and 
sometimes  teeth,  which  are  let  into  the  wood  with 
great  neatness  and  ingenuity ;  and  as  an  additional 
ornament  is  painted  with  a  variety  of  colors,  but  the 
poles  are  uniformly  painted  white.  Sometimes  these 
poles  are  fixed  upright  in  the  earth  and  on  each  side 
the  body,  but  the  head  is  always  secured  in  the  posi 
tion  described." 

The  same  explorer  found  in  a  cave  a  square  box 
with  a  human  head  in  it.  Instances  of  cave  burial 
are  also  mentioned  by  other  authors,  but  in  each  case 
the  box  containing  the  remains  was  present.  Van 
couver  describes  some  graves  on  Keku  Strait  as  fol 
lows  : 

"In  the  vicinity  of  these  ruins  were  many  sepul- 
chers  or  tombs,  in  which  dead  bodies  were  deposited. 
These  were  made  with  a  degree  of  neatness  seldom 
exhibited  in  the  building  of  their  habitations.  A 
wooden  frame  was  raised  about  ten  feet  from  the 
ground,  the  upper  half  of  which  was  inclosed,  and  in 
the  open  part  below  in  many,  though  not  all,  of  them 
was  placed  a  canoe.  The  flooring  of  the  upper  part 
was  about  five  feet  from  the  ground,  and  above  that 
the  sides  and  top  were  entirely  closed  in  with  boards, 
within  which  were  human  bodies  in  boxes,  wrapped 
up  in  skins  or  in  matting.  These  repositories  of  the 
dead  were  of  different  sizes,  and  some  of  them  con 
tained  more  bodies  than  the  others  ;  in  the  largest 
there  was  not  more  than  four  or  five,  lying  by  the 
side  of  each  other,  not  one  appearing  to  be  placed 
above  the  rest ;  they  were  generally  found  near  the 


184  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

water  side,  and  very  frequently  on.  some  conspicuous 
point.  Many  of  these  sacred  monuments  appear  to 
have  been  erected  a  great  length  of  time,  and  the 
most  ancient  of  them  had  evidently  been  repaired  and 
strengthened  by  additional  supporters  of  more  mod 
ern  workmanship.  Hence  it  would  appear  that  what 
ever  might  be  the  enmity  that  existed  between  the 
several  tribes  when  living,  their  remains  when  dead 
were  respected  and  suffered  to  rest  quietly  and  unmo 
lested." 

However,  it  seems  that  cremation  was  formerly 
very  common,  probably  the  usual  mode  of  disposing 
of  the  dead,  the  ashes  being  deposited  in  boxes 
mounted  on  columns,  or  on  shelves  or  compartments 
in  the  columns. 

The  ancient  villages  indicate  a  state  of  warfare. 
Those  discovered  by  Vancouver  on  Kupreanoff  Island 
were  all  situated  on  the  summit  of  a  precipice  or  steep 
insular  rock,  rendered  by  nature  almost  inaccessible. 
These,  in  addition  to  their  natural  advantages,  were 
strongly  fortified  with  a  platform  of  wood  laid  on  the 
most  elevated  part  of  the  rock  and  projecting  so  far 
at  its  sides  as  to  overhang  the  declivity.  The  edge  of 
the  platform  was  barricaded  with  logs  of  wood  placed 
one  on  another.  In  some  instances  houses  were 
placed  on  high  posts. 

Mention  is  made  of  mounds  near  Comox,  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty  miles  north-west  of  Victoria,  which 
were  found  to  have  been  built  of  sea  sand,  black  mold 
and  shells,  some  of  which  contained  skeletons.  Shell 
mounds  are  also  described  as  abundant  on  Vancouver 
Island.  From  these  have  been  obtained  stone  ham 
mers,  arrow-points,  spear-heads,  knives,  needles  and 


The  Pacific  Division.  185 

awls  of  stone  and  bone,  and  a  few  stone  mortars.  As 
we  move  south  through  Washington  and  Oregon  into 
California,  we  find  the  mortar  becoming  more  and 
more  common  among  the  prehistoric  articles,  indicat 
ing  a  larger  use  of  seeds  and  other  vegetable  foods, 
one  type  being  somewhat  boat-shaped,  with  a  projec 
tion  at  one  end  in  the  form  of  a  duck's  bill  as  a  han 
dle  ;  others  cylindrical  or  hemispherical.  Other 
pecked  or  polished  stone  articles  also  become  more 
numerous,  and  the  variety  of  chipped  implements  also 
increases.  A  number  of  original  drawings  and  pho 
tographs  accompanying  a  manuscript  presented  some 
years  ago  to  the  Smithsonian  Institution  by  Mr.  A. 
W.  Chase,  of  the  U.  S.  Coast  Survey,  on  the  Shell 
Mounds  of  Oregon,  show  a  large  variety  of  stone  ar 
ticles.  Among  the  chipped  implements,  which  are 
chiefly  of  agate,  jasper,  obsidian  and  sandstone,  some 
of  which  are  finely  finished  specimens,  are  arrow  and 
spear-points  of  almost  every  known  form,  knives, 
scrapers,  etc.  Among  the  other  stone  articles  are 
mortars,  pestles,  perforated  disks  (spindle  whorls?), 
three  or  four  specimens  of  the  supposed  war-club 
mentioned  above,  cylindrical  pipes,  mullers,  paint 
cups,  and  a  number  of  specimens  w^hose  use  is  un 
known.  The  articles  figured  on  the  plates  accom 
panying  this  manuscript  number  some  four  or  five 
hundred.  This  collection  was  made  chiefly  along  the 
coast  in  the  extreme  south-west  corner  of  Oregon. 
Unfortunately,  no  detailed  description  of  explora 
tions  is  given ;  in  fact,  most  of  the  articles  appear 
to  have  been  gathered  from  the  surface,  chance 
openings  and  some  slight  excavations,  the  author 


186  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

haying  no  opportunity  to   make    more    thorough  ex 
plorations. 

Most  of  the  articles  figured  by  Mr.  Chase,  other 
than  the  chipped  stone  implements,  belong  to  that 
class  which  may  be  called  the  California  type. 


California  Section.  187 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CALIFORNIA    SECTION. 

Until  a  more  thorough  investigation  of  the  antiqui 
ties  of  the  Pacific  coast,  north  of  Mexico,  has  been 
made,  it  will  be  unsafe  to  attempt  to  outline  the  minor 
culture  areas  of  this  region  ;  however,  it  is  evident 
that  the  prehistoric  articles  of  California,  and,  to 
some  extent,  of  the  contiguous  sections,  present  cer 
tain  peculiarities  which  justify  us  in  speaking  of  them 
as  the  "California  type."  The  differences  between 
the  customs  and  monuments  of  the  former  inhabi 
tants  of  this  region  and  those  of  the  people  who  lived 
further  to  the  north,  has  been,  as  will  hereafter  be 
shown,  specially  noticed  by  Mr.  Powers  in  his  excellent 
work  on  "The  Tribes  of  California." 

Although  investigations  into  the  archaeology  have 
been  carried  on  to  but  a  limited  extent,  a  large  num 
ber  of  native  utensils  have  been  discovered  and  many 
burial  deposits  located.  Yet,  when  we  take  into  con 
sideration  the  large  number  of  independent,  native 
linguistic  stocks  found  along  the  California  and 
Oregon  coasts,  one  is  surprised  at  the  limited  number 
of  types  found  in  this  region,  especially  throughout 
California.  Some  of  the  leading  types  of  southern 
California  are  shown  in  Fig.  72.  These  were  dis 
covered  by  Mr.  Paul  Schumacher,  several  years 
ago,  near  San  Luis  Obispo.  The  pots  were  carved 
out  of  magnesian  mica ;  many  sandstone  mortars 


188 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


different  in  dimensions  but  similar  in  form  were  found, 
one  of  the  largest  of  which  is  shown  in  the  figure,  the 
pestle  being  of  the  same  material.  Quite  a  number 
of  bowl  or  cup-shaped  articles,  measuring  from  one 
and  a  quarter  to  six  inches  in  diameter,  were  obtained. 
These,  two  specimens  of  which  are  shown,  were  neatly 
worked  out  of  serpentine,  the  surface  being  well  pol- 


^HB||*. 


Fig.  72.     Eelics  from  southern  California. 

ished.  None  of  these  domestic  implements  appear 
to  have  been  intentionally  injured  before  being  de 
posited  with  the  dead. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  New  Almaden  quicksilver 
mines  were  worked  by  the  natives  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  vermillion,  long  before  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  excavation  made  by  the  original 


California   Section.  189 

miners  was  long  supposed  to  be  a  natural  cavern,  ex 
tending  about  one  hundred  feet  horizontally  into  the 
hill ;  ultimately,  however,  some  skeletons,  rude  mining 
tools  and  other  evidences  of  human  presence  revealed 
the  secret.  In  various  localities  about  Monterey,  in 
addition  to  the  usual  mortars,  arrow  and  spear-heads, 
holes  have  been  discovered  in  the  living  rock,  which 
are  supposed  to  have  been  used  as  mortars  for  pound 
ing  acorns  and  other  seeds  ;  it  is  possible,  however, 
that  they  are  holes  from  which  pot  forms  were  ob 
tained. 

An  interesting  class  of  California  antiquities  which 
have  caused  considerable  discussion,  is  that  which  in 
cludes  aboriginal  remains  discovered  in  the  mining 
districts  at  considerable  depths  below  the  surface  of 
the  ground,  and,  in  some  instances,  beneath  successive 
layers  of  different  rocks  and  earths,  and  in  connection 
with  fossil  bones  of  extinct  animals.  The  following 
notice  of  some  of  these  finds  is  quoted  from  Mr.  Ban 
croft's  "Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States." 

"Of  all  the  counties,  Tuolumne  has  apparently 
proved  the  richest  in  antiquarian  remains.  From  the 
mining  tunnels  which  penetrate  Table  Mountain  there 
was  taken,  in  1858,  a  stone  mortar  holding  two  quarts, 
at  a  deptli  of  three  hundred  feet  from  the  surface, 
lying  in  auriferous  gravel  under  a  thick  strata  of  lava. 
In  1862,  another  mortar  was  found  at  a  depth  of  three 
hundred  and  forty  feet,  one  hundred  and  four  of  which 
were  composed  of  lava,  and  eighteen  hundred  feet 
from  the  mouth  of  the  tunnel.  This  relic  is  in  Mr. 
Voy's  collection,  accompanied  by  a  sworn  statement 
of  the  circumstances  of  its  finding.  Dr.  Snell  is  said 
to  have  had  in  his  possession,  in  1862,  a  pendant  or 


190  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

shuttle  of  silicious  slate,  spear-heads  six  or  eight  inches 
long,  and  broken  off  at  the  hole  where  they  were  at 
tached  to  the  shaft ;  and  a  scoop,  or  ladle,  of  steatite. 
These  relics  were  found  under  Table  Mountain  at  the 
same  depth  as  the  preceding,  together  with  fossil  bones 
of  the  mastodon  and  other  animals,  and  are  preserved 
in  the  Smithsonian  Institution  and  in  the  museum  of 
Yale  College.  The  cut  represents  a  stone  mortar  and 
pestle,  found  in  Kincaid  Flat  in  clayey  auriferous 
gravel,  sixteen  or  twenty  feet  below  the  surface,  where 
many  other  stone  implements,  with  bones  of  the  mas 
todon,  elephant,  horse  and  camel,  have  been  found  at 
different  times.  A  bow  handle,  or  shuttle,  of  mica 
ceous  slate  found  here  will  be  shown  in  another  cut 
with  similar  relics  from  a  different  locality. 

"At  Shaw's  Flat,  with  bones  of  the  mastodon,  a  stone 
bead  of  calcspar,  two  inches  long  and  the  same  in  cir 
cumference,  was  taken  from  under  a  strata  of  lava  at 
a  point  three  hundred  feet  from  the  mouth  of  the  tun 
nel.  A  granite  mortar,  holding  about  a  pint,  came 
from  the  same  mining  town. 

"At  Blanket  creek,  near  Sonora,  stone  relics  and 
bones  of  the  mastodon  were  found  together  in  1855. 
Wood's  creek  was  another  locality  where  stone  relics 
with  fossil  bones,  including  those  of  the  tapir,  are  re 
ported  to  have  been  dug  out  at  a  depth  of  twenty  to 
forty  feet. 

"The  famous  'Calaveras  skull '  was  taken  from  a 
mining  shaft  at  Altaville,  at  a  depth  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  feet  beneath  seven  strata  of  lava  and  gravel. 
The  evidence  was  sufficient  to  convince  Prof.  Whitney 
and  other  scientific  men  that  this  skull  was  actually 


California  Section.  191 

found  as  claimed,  although,  on  the  other  hand,  some 
doubt  and  not  a  little  ridicule  have  been  expressed 
about  the  subject.  Many  stone  mortars  and  mastodon 
bones  have  been  found  about  Altaville  and  Murphy's, 
but  not  under  lava." 

Prof.  Dall,  in  a  note  to  the  American  edition  of 
Nadaillac's  "Prehistoric  America,"  says  : 

"No  reasonable  person  who  has  impartially  re 
viewed  the  evidence  brought  together  by  Whitney, 
and  who  saw,  as  we  did,  the  Calaveras  skull  in  its 
original  condition,  can  doubt  that  it  was  found,  as  al 
leged  by  the  discoverers,  in  the  auriferous  gravels  below 
the  lava.  The  only  question  to  which  some  uncer 
tainty  still  attaches  itself  among  geologists  is,  that  of 
the  true  age  of  these  gravels  in  geological  time ;  and 
whether  all  the  extinct  species  of  which  remains  are 
found  in  them  were  contemporaneous  with  the  deposi 
tion  of  the  gravels,  and  with  the  then  undoubted  pres 
ence  of  man." 

Without  entering  into  a  discussion  of  the  questions 
which  arise  in  connection  with  these  finds,  it  is  apparent 
that  the  presence  of  polished  and  pecked,  or,  in  other 
words,  neolithic  implements,  exactly  like  those  from 
graves  and  refuse  heaps,  wholly  forbids  the  supposition 
that  here  we  find  evidence  of  preglacial  man.  This 
appears  to  be  the  growing  conviction  of  modern  scien 
tists,  though  it  has  not  as  yet  received  the  assent  of 
all.  How  these  comparatively  recent  prehistoric  ar 
ticles  reached  the  depth  where  found  is  a  question  left 
to  scientists  to  solve. 

From  the  account  of  some  excavations  made  near 
Santa  Barbara  by  the  survey  under  Lieutenant 
Wheeler,  the  following  information  in  regard  to  an- 


192  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

cient  burials,  relative  to  the  position  and  character  of 
the  objects  discovered,  is  obtained.  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that,  although  a  number  of  refuse  or  kitchen 
heaps  were  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  the  burials  had 
not  been  made  in  these,  nor  were  they  in  mounds,  but 
in  places  where  the  surface  of  the  ground  presented 
no  unusual  features,  except  that  it  appeared  "to  be 
slightly  depressed  at  these  points,  and  that  here  and 
there  ribs  and  vertebrae  of  "whales  protruded  above 
the  soil, 

"Two  feet  below  the  surface  the  first  indications  of 
burials  were  reached,  quantities  of  broken  bones  being 
met  with  at  every  stroke  of  the  spade,  interspersed 
with  pieces  of  whales'  bones  and  decaying  red-wood. 
At  a  depth  of  five  feet,  the  first  entire  skeleton  was 
found  in  position,  and  near  it  several  others  were 
subsequently  uncovered ;  in  all  of  them  the  head 
fronted  northward,  the  face  was  downward,  and  the 
lower  limbs  wrere  extended.  Over  the  femur  of  one 
of  the  skeletons  was  a  flat  plate  of  steatite,  a  sort  of 
soapstone,  twelve  or  fourteen  inches  square,  with  a 
hole  in  one  end,  which  was  called  a  'tortilla-stone,' 
its  probable  use  having  been  for  cooking  cakes,  or 
tortillas,  or  else  for  heating  water,  the  hole  in  the 
end  serving  to  draw  it  from  the  fire  when  thoroughly 
heated.  In  rear  of  the  skeleton,  and  to  one  side  of 
the  plate,  was  an  oil  a,  or  jar,  of  steatite,  broken,  but 
containing  some  fine  glass  beads  and  human  teeth  ; 
and  behind  this,  a  stone  pestle  of  symmetrical  shape, 
about  three  feet  in  length,  of  a  hard  species  of  sand 
stone,  and  another  plate  of  steatite,  and  two  large 
ollas  of  over  five  gallons  capacity,  their  mouths  or 
apertures  fronting  north  ;  and  just  above  was  a  single 


California  Section.  193 

cranium  facing  the  cliff,  face  downward,  and  on  top  of 
it  a  single  femur.  Continuing  the  excavations  toward 
the  cliff,  a  small  sandstone  mortar  was  exhumed, 
containing  a  mass  of  red  paint,  and  in  its  immediate 
vicinity  a  large  number  of  beads  of  glass  and  shell, 
with  ornaments  made  from  the  lamina  of  the  abalone 
shell,  which  is  common  to  this  coast,  being  found  in 
great  abundance  on  the  islands  some  twenty  miles 
distant.  Digging  still  farther,  other  skeletons  were 
found  in  similar  positions,  but  in  many  instances  the 
low^er  limbs  were  flexed  upon  the  body,  while  in  a  few 
cases  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand  were  in  the  mouth. 
One  skeleton  was  that  of  a  child,  near  which  were 
found  beads,  ornaments,  tortilla-stones,  and  two  more 
ollas,  one  of  which  contained  portions  of  the  cranium 
of  a  child.  This  skeleton  had  apparently  been 
wrapped  in  a  kind  of  grass  matting,  as  small  portions 
were  found  attached  to  the  bones  and  scattered  near 
by.  In  the  olla  containing  the  head  bones  of  the 
child  were  a  great  number  of  small  black  seeds, 
smaller  than  the  mustard  seed,  which  w^ere  recognized 
by  one  of  the  laborers  as  a  seed  used  by  the  present 
California  Indians  and  natives  in  making  demulcent 
drinks  and  eye-washes." 

Further  excavations  are  described  as  follows  : 
"In  one  trench,  a  number  of  crania  and  bones  were 
found,  in  similar  positions  to  the  first  met  with,  and 
also   several   fine   ollas,    tortilla-stones,  mortars    and 
pestles.     All  these  utensils  were  invariably  in  the  im 
mediate  vicinity  of    the  heads   of    the   skeletons ;   in 
fact,  in  many  instances,  the  crania  were  covered  by 
large   mortars,   placed  orifice  down.     In  the   second 
13 


194  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

trench,  the  digging  was  in  an  easterly  direction,  and 
the  first  discovery  was  that  of  a  skeleton  and  a  frag 
ment  of  iron  near  the  right  hand,  probably  a  knife  or 
spear-head,  which,  archaeologically  speaking,  was  a 
source  of  great  grief  to  us,  our  hope  being  that  no 
remnants  of  Spanish  civilization  would  be  found  in 
these  graves.  It  could  not  be  helped,  however, 
though  a  great  deal  of  prehistoric  romance  was  at 
once  destroyed.  Near  this  skeleton  was  another,  and 
by  its  side  the  first  pipe  met  with,  which  was  similar 
in  appearance  to  a  plain  modern  cigar-holder,  and 
consisted  of  a  tube  of  the  stone  called  serpentine, 
eight  inches  long,  the  diameter  of  the  wider  orifice 
being  a  little  over  an  inch.  At  the  smaller  end  was  a 
mouth -piece,  formed  from  a  piece  of  a  bone  of  some 
large  water-fowl,  and  cemented  in  place  by  asphaltum. 
How  these  pipes  were  used  with  any  degree  of  comfort 
is  impossible  to  surmise. 

"Continuing  this  excavation,  the  next  discovery 
was  a  steatite  olla  containing  a  skull,  differing  in 
many  respects  from  those  found  in  the  graves  ;  if  from 
one  of  the  same  tribe,  it  shows  marked  differentiation. 
Near  the  olla  was  a  large  sandstone  mortar,  over  two 
feet  in  diameter,  and  behind  it  another  olla,  contain 
ing  more  bones,  and  another  pipe,  10i  inches  in 
length,  and  near  this  latter  article  a  smaller  olla  filled 
with  red  paint.  It  should  have  been  mentioned  that 
from  this  trench  was  procured  a  femur,  showing  evi 
dences  of  fracture  through  the  neck  of  the  bone, 
which  had  become  absorbed,  the  head  uniting  to  the 
upper  portion  of  the  shaft  between  the  greater  and 
lesser  trochanters.  Further  search  revealed  at  the 
same  depth  a  mortar,  covered  by  the  shoulder-blade 


California  Section.  195 

of  a  whale,  which  also  contained  the  skull  of  an  in 
fant,  covered  with  an  abalone  shell,  while  near  by 
were  paint,  a  piece  of  iron,  a  nail  and  various  shell 
ornaments  and  beads.  Near  at  hand,  to  the  rear, 
were  a  broken  mortar  and  pot,  underneath  which  wTas 
a  small  olla,  the  whole  covering  the  skull  of  a  child ; 
and  a  little  deeper,  a  skull  resting  upon  a  fine,  large, 
pear-shaped  steatite  olla,  the  outside  of  reddish  color. 
These  remains  appear  to  have  been  inclosed  in  a  sort 
of  fence,  as  a  plank  and  stakes  of  decayed  redwood 
were  near  by.  At  the  bottom  of  this  trench,  just 
above  the  firm  clay,  and  under  all  the  specimens  just 
described,  was  a  fine  sandstone  pestle ,  17i  inches  in 
length. 

"Continued  in  the  same  trench,  advancing  in  a 
northerly  direction  toward  trench  No.  1.  At  a  depth 
of  four  feet  w^ere  two  skeletons,  and  near  them  was  a 
square  cake  of  red  paint ;  alongside  were  two  more 
skeletons,  over  one  of  which  was  a  large  mortar, 
mouth  downward,  and  close  by  another  similar  uten 
sil.  Under  this  skeleton  were  an  instrument  of  iron 
fourteen  inches  in  length,  a  long  iron  nail  and  two 
pieces  of  redwood,  much  decayed.  A  little  farther  in 
was  a  small  canoe,  carved  from  steatite.  All  the 
skeletons  were  face  downward,  heads  to  the  north. 
In  trench  No.  1,  the  digging  was  continued  in  a 
southerly  direction.  The  first  object  encountered  was 
an  enormous  mortar,  twenty-seven  inches  in  diameter, 
with  its  pestle  near  by.  This  article  was  on  its  side, 
the  mouth  toward  the  south  ;  around  it  were  no  fewer 
than  thirty  crania,  some  in  a  fair  state  of  preserva 
tion,  and  others  very  friable,  broken  and  worthless. 
Lying  on  top  of  this  mortar,  on  further  removal  of 


196  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

the  earth,  was  an  almost  entire  skeleton,  with  frag 
ments  of  long  bones  and  of  steatite  pottery.  As  sur 
mised  by  some  of  the  party,  the  perfect  skeleton  was 
that  of  a  chief,  and  the  remains  those  of  his  slaves 
slain  with  him,  which  is  at  least  a  possible,  if  not  a 
plausible,  view  of  the  case." 

Although  the  results  of  other  excavations  are  de 
scribed,  those  mentioned  will  suffice  to  show  the 
modes  of  burial  and  the  character  of  the  antiquities 
in  this  locality.  The  same  party  discovered  the 
method  of  obtaining  from  steatite  ledges  the  pot- 
forms,  or  masses  out  of  which  pots  were  to  be  carved. 

In  the  somewhat  extensive  collection  made  by 
Lieutenant  Wheeler's  party  in  southern  California  are 
a  number  of  beautiful  specimens  of  long,  slender, 
chipped  flint  implements  supposed  to  have  been  used 
as  knives.  Some  of  these  are  ten  inches  in  length, 
and  specimens  have  been  found  fifteen  inches  long. 
Most  of  the  pots  (stone)  obtained  were  of  the  globular 
form.  The  stone  pipes  were  almost  exclusively  of 
the  straight,  cylindrical  type  without  bowl,  or,  in 
other  words,  a  simple  cylinder.  These  are  made  of 
steatite,  talcose  slate  or  serpentine,  and  vary  in  length 
from  three  to  ten  inches.  They  are  usually  smooth 
and  plain,  an  occasional  one  only  being  ornamented 
by  encircling  or  diagonal  grooves.  Perforated  stone 
disks,  or  supposed  spindle  whorls,  form  a  large  part 
of  the  collection,  these  being  found  in  great  abun 
dance  on  the  main  line  and  islands  of  southern  Cali 
fornia.  A  few  stone  articles  made  to  represent  the 
whale  were  found.  The  bone  articles  obtained  em 
brace  needles,  awls,  fish-hooks,  harpoon-points,  knives 
and  a  variety  of  ornaments.  Remains  of  basket 


California  Section.  197 

work  and  textile  fabrics  were  also  discovered,  some  of 
which,  however,  indicate  contact  with  Europeans,  as 
do  also  a  number  of  iron  and  glass  articles  obtained 
from  the  graves. 

The  almost  total  absence  of  pottery  from  this  sec 
tion  contrasts  strongly  with  the  great  abundance 
found  in  the  pueblo  region,  though  most  of  the  ves 
sels  of  the  two  regions  are  similar  in  form.  The  ab 
sence  of  carved  figures  or  imitative  designs,  and  also 
of  ornamentation  of  any  kind,  is  a  marked  peculiarity 
of  the  antiquities  of  this  region.  The  angular  de 
signs  so  common  in  the  pueblo  region,  and  even 
farther  south,  are  wanting  here.  Utility  alone  seems 
to  have  been  the  ruling  motive  in  all  their  manu 
factures,  decoration  being  entirely  overlooked. 

The  following  statements  by  Mr.  Stephen  Powers 
(Vol.  Ill,  Contributions  to  North  American  Eth 
nology)  ,  who  has  made  a  careful  study  of  the  Cali 
fornia  tribes,  may  be  appropriately  quoted  here  : 

"The  fact  of  the  almost  total  lack  of  ceramic  re 
mains,  and  the  character  of  the  relics  found  in 
Alameda  and  other  shell-mounds,  show  that  the 
present  race  must  either  have  supplanted  or  de 
scended  from  one  which  was  little  more  advanced 
than  themselves.  The  few  simple  stone  implements 
used  by  the  California  Indians  resemble,  in  their 
main  purpose  and  design,  those  of  the  extinct  races 
exhumed  in  the  shell-mounds,  only  they  are  conspicu 
ously  ruder  and  simpler.  Take  the  stone  mortars, 
for  instance.  The  prehistorical  mortar  is  carefully 
dressed  on  the  outside,  and  has  three  general  shapes, 
either  flattish  and  round  or  shaped  like  a  duck's  egg 
with  the  bowl  on  the  side,  or  else  with  the  bowl  in  the 


198  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

large  end  and  the  small  end  inserted  into  the  ground, 
or  cylindrical  with  the  bowl  in  the  end.  But  the  In 
dian  now  takes  a  small  bowlder  of  trap  or  greenstone 
and  beats  out  a  hollow  in  it,  leaving  the  outside  rough. 
Whenever  one  is  seen  in  possession  of  a  mortar 
dressed  on  the  outside,  he  will  acknowledge  that  he 
did  not  make  it,  but  found  it ;  in  other  words,  it  is 
prehistorical.  The  prehistorics  used  hahdsomely 
dressed  pestles,  sometimes  embellished  with  rings ; 
but  the  squaw  now-a-days  simply  picks  up  a  long, 
slender  cobble  from  the  brook. 

"The  prehistorics  of  California  carved  out  long, 
heavy  knives  or  swords,  of  obsidian  or  jasper,  which 
were  probably  kept  as  family  heirlooms,  from  genera 
tion  to  generation,  to  be  paraded  as  jewelry  or  borne 
aloft  as  a  sort  of  mace  on  certain  solemn  occasions. 
The  Indians  of  to-day  have  the  same  articles  and  use 
them  for  the  same  purpose  ;  but  their  inferiority  to 
their  predecessors  shows  forth  in  the  fact  that  they  no 
longer  manufacture  them,  but  confine  their  ambition 
to  keeping  them  in  the  family. 

"The  prehistorics  made  out  of  sandstone  or  other 
soft  stones  a  small  and  almost  perfect  sphere  as  an 
acorn-sheller  ;  but  the  squaw  nowadays  simply  selects 
for  this  purpose  a  smooth  cobble  from  the  creek  bed. 

"In  the  collection  of  Mr.  A.  W.  Chase,  of  the 
United  States  Coast  Survey,  there  are  spindle-whorls 
of  stone,  some  of  them  found  in  mounds  raised  by 
extinct  tribes  and  others  found  among  the  Klamath 
Indians  and  the  Noamlakki  in  gravel-mining  claims. 
The  Indians  of  this  day  use  no  such  implement  for 
any  purposes  whatever.  Near  Freestone,  Sonoma 
county,  I  saw  in  possession  of  the  finder  what  was 


California  Section.  199 

probably  a  spindle-whorl  of  pottery,  the  only  instance 
of  the  kind  I  know  of. 

"In  regard  to  tobacco  pipes  the  deterioration  is  not 
so  manifest,  for  I  have  seen  serpentine  pipes  of  as 
handsome  workmanship  as  any  obtained  from  the 
mounds,  though  even  these  may  be  old  heirlooms. 
But  I  still  think  there  is  deterioration  shown  in  the 
fact  that  the  Indians  nowadays  use  so  many  wooden 
pipes  of  the  rudest  construction  ;  though  we  have  no 
means  of  showing  that  their  ancestors  did  not  use 
equally  poor  ones,  since  their  wooden  pipes,  if  they 
had  any,  have  perished. 

"Then  again,  as  to  the  shell-mounds  themselves,  I 
am  of  the  opinion  that  they  are  merely  the  accumu 
lations  of  a  race  of  men  who  dived  for  clams,  as  the 
"Wintun  of  the  Upper  Sacramento  do  to  this  day,  to  a 
limited  extent.  In  other  words,  the  Wintun  and 
other  tribes  are  descended  from  a  people  who  were 
more  energetic  and  industrious  than  themselves." 

While  this  indicates  a  retrogression  in  art  on  the  part 
of  the  modern  descendants  of  the  former  inhabitants, 
it  applies  more  to  quality  and  finish  than  to  types. 
It  is  also  apparent  that  Mr.  Powers  recognizes  in  the 
modern  Indians  of  California  the  descendants  of  the 
authors  of  the  antiquities  of  that  region.  Hubert 
Bancroft,  alluding  to  California  and  the  coast  region 
north  to  Columbia  river,  asserts  that  at  the  time  he 
was  writing  (1875) ,  there  had  not  been  found  and  re 
ported  on  good  authority  a  single  monument  or  relic 
which  is  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  country  was  ever 
inhabited  by  any  people  whose  claims  to  be  regarded 
as  civilized  were  superior  to  those  of  the  tribes  found 
by  Europeans  in  this  section.  The  presence  of  iron 


200  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  glass  articles  in  some  of  the  graves  proves  beyond 
question  contact  with  Europeans,  and  the  general 
similarity  of  the  articles  found  in  these  and  the  most 
ancient  graves,  seems  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their 
having  been  made  by  people  in  the  same  culture- 
status,  having  the  same  general  customs,  though  they 
may  have  belonged  to  different  tribes  and  possibly 
different  stocks. 

Prehistoric  Movements  of  Population. 

If  the  reader  will  examine  Major  J.  W.  Powell's 
linguistic  map  showing  the  location  of  the  Indian 
stocks  north  of  Mexico,  he  will  find,  if  we  may  use 
the  term,  a  singular  ethno-geographic  condition  in 
this  west  coast  region.  Between  Columbia  river  and 
the  southern  end  of  California,  and  extending  back 
but  a  comparatively  short  distance  into  the  interior, 
are  crowded  more  than  half  the  stocks  noted  on  the 
entire  map,  yet  covering  less  than  half  the  area  occu 
pied  by  the  Shoshonean  family  which  bounds  their 
eastern  borders.  Among  these  are  seen  three  detached 
groups  of  the  great  Athapascan  family,  a  fact  which 
may  possibly  assist,  to  some  extent,  in  solving  the 
singular  problem  which  is  here  presented.  Are 
these  remnants  of  larger  stocks  which  occupied 
this  region  prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Shoshones, 
which  have  been  reduced  by  the  latter  and  pressed 
toward  the  coast?  That  the  diminutive  size  of  the 
groups  and  their  crowded  condition  indicate  such  a 
pressure  seems  apparent.  However,  the  problem  is  a 
difficult  one,  and  will  probably  never  be  satisfactorily 
solved. 


California  Section.  201 

That  the  movements  of  population  in  the  Pacific 
division,  from  the  fifty-fifth  degree  of  latitude  to  the 
borders  of  Mexico,  were  southward,  is  generally  con 
ceded  by  those  who  have  given  attention  to  the  sub 
ject.  Mr.  Stephen  Powers  not  only  mentions  tradi 
tions  of  movements  from  the  north  toward  the  south, 
but  gives  as  his  conclusion,  based  on  his  personal  in 
vestigations,  that  such  was  the  general  course  of  mi 
gration,  in  fact  speaks  of  it  as  a  point  clearly  estab 
lished. 

Judge  Roseborough,  in  a  letter  quoted  by  Hubert 
Bancroft,  writes  : 

"In  an  ethnological  view,  the  languages  of  these 
various  tribes  is  a  subject  of  great  interest.  They 
seem  to  be  governed  by  the  geographical  nature  of  the 
country,'  which  has  had  much  influence  in  directing 
the  migrations  and  settlement  of  the  various  tribes  in 
this  state,  where  they  have  been  found  by  the  whites  ; 
and  there  have  been  in  remote  times  at  least  three 
currents,  or  lines  of  migration,  namely:  first,  one 
along  the  coast  southward,  dispersing  more  or  less 
toward  the  interior  as  the  nature  of  the  country  and 
hostile  tribes  permitted.  In  so  broken  and  rough  a 
country  the  migrations  must  have  been  slow,  and  the 
eddies  numerous,  leaving  many  fragments  of  aborigi 
nal  tribes  here  and  there,  with  language  and  customs 
wholly  dissimilar.  Second,  that  along  the  Willamette 
valley,  over  the  passes  of  the  Calapooya,  across  the 
open  lands  of  the  Umpqua,  southward  through  the 
Rogue  river  valley,  into  Shasta  and  Scott  valleys. 
As  an  evidence  of  this  trace,  I  may  mention  that  all 
the  tribes  on  this  line,  from  the  Calapooya  mountains 
southward  to  the  head  of  Shasta  and  Scott  valleys, 


202  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

speak  the  same  language,  and  were  confederate  in 
their  wars  with  the  tribes  on  Pitt  river,  who  seem  to 
have  arrested  their  progress  southward. 
Thirdly,  another  wave  of  migration  evidently  came 
southward  along  the  Des  Chutes  river,  upon  the  great 
plateau  of  the  lakes,  which  is  borne  out  by  a  simi 
larity  of  languages  and  customs,  as  well  as  by  tra 
ditions." 

Powers  remarks  in  regard  to  this  opinion,  "I  am 
inclined  to  accept  this  theory,  and  indeed  before  I  had 
ever  seen  Judge  Roseborough's  letter,  I  had  come  to 
a  similar  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  line  of  southward 
migration  along  the  coast."  Dr.  Gibbs,  an  accepted 
authority,  so  far  as  he  alludes  to  the  subject,  indicates 
that  the  movements  in  Washington  and  Oregon  have 
been  southward ;  that  of  some  of  the  interior  tribes 
he  thinks  has  been  toward  the  south-west. 

Further  reference  to  the  subject  will  be  made  here 
after  in  discussing  the  general  course  of  migrations  in 
the  Pacific  division. 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  203 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE    INTERMONTANE    OR    PUEBLO    SECTION. 

Mr.  Hubert  Bancroft  in  his  arrangement  of  the  Pa 
cific  regions,  extends  considerably  the  boundaries  of 
this  interior  section,  including  under  the  designation 
1  'New  Mexicans,"  the  nations  of  New  Mexico,  Ari 
zona,  Lower  California,  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Chihuahua, 
Durango,  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  northern  Zacatecas 
and  western  Texas.  However,  it  seems  best  to  limit 
it  for  the  present  as  outlined  in  a  previous  chapter, 
following  chiefly  the  archaeologic  indications. 

The  physical  characteristics  of  this  region  are  so 
wholly  different  from  those  of  the  mound  section  as 
to  lead  a  priori  to  the  assumption  that  here  we  may  ex 
pect  to  find  evidences  of  a  widely  different  culture. 
Instead  of  a  well- watered  country,  with  a  rich  soil, 
covered  in  most  parts  by  heavy  forests,  we  enter  here 
upon  a  region  traversed  by  numerous  detached  and  in 
tersecting  ranges,  between  which  lie  arid  regions, 
half-desert  areas  with  low  scanty  vegetation,  and 
occasionally  fertile  valleys,  with  a  scant  water  sup 
ply.  Isolated  peaks  and  broad,  level  mesas  arise  from 
the  plains.  The  elevated  plateaus  are  gashed  by  in 
numerable  canons,  usually  dry  except  for  a  short  time 
during  the  limited  rainy  season,  or  rather  brief  rainy 
spells. 

Many  of  the  canons  of  this  south-western  region, 
which  are  now  dry  and  parched,  with  little  vegetation 


204  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

save  the  low  gray  sage  brush,  and  entirely  devoid  of 
inhabitants,  were,  in  prehistoric  times,  occupied  by  a 
people  who  built  their  little  villages  or  communal 
dwellings  against  the  base  of  lofty  cliffs,  or  high  up 
the  sides  in  the  caves  and  shelves  ;  or  excavated  cell- 
like  abodes  in  the  face  of  the  precipices.  Sometimes 
the  level  top  of  a  lofty  mesa  was  selected  as  the  site 
of  the  village,  or  where  the  danger  from  incursions 
was  not  great,  the  level  valley.  Mr.  G.  Nordenskiold, 
in  his  most  excellent  work  on  the  "Mesa  Verde,"  of 
south-western  Colorado,  has  classified  these  works 
geographically  according  to  the  river  systems,  as  he 
thinks  there  are  sufficient  differences  between  the 
types  of  these  systems  to  justify  this  arrangement. 

1.  The    ruins   along    the    upper  course  of   the  Rio 
Colorado  and  its  tributaries,  from  the  Virgin  riv£r. 

2.  The  ruins  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  tributaries. 

3.  The  ruins  of  the  Gila  river  and  its  tributaries. 
He  classifies  the  various  remains,  topographically, 

as  follows  : 

1.  Ruins  in  the   valleys,  on  the  plains,  and  on  the 
plateaus. 

2.  Ruins  in  caves  in  the  walls  of  the  canons. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  a  more  correct  idea  of 
the  different  types  will  be  obtained  by  the  reader  from 
a  slight  modification  of  Mr.  Holmes 's  classification, 
thus  :  1,  settlements  or  villages  in  the  valleys  and  on 
the  plains ;  2,  settlements  or  villages  on  the  high 
plateaus  or  mesas ;  3,  cliff-dwellings,  consisting  of 
single  or  communal  houses  built  in  the  openings, 
shelves  and  rock-shelters  in  the  cliffs ;  and  4,  the 
cave-dwellings  hollowed  out,  in  most  cases  artificially, 
in  the  face  of  the  cliffs.  That  the  sites  selected  for, 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  205 

and  mode  of  constructing  the  last  three,  were  with  a 
view  to  security  against  attack,  and  greater  probabil 
ity  of  successful  defense,  seems  apparent. 

Cave  Dwellings,  or  Artificial  Cavate  Abodes. 

These,  so  far  as  discovered,  occur  chiefly  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  between  Santa  Clara  and 
Cochiti,  a  stretch  of  some  seventy-five  or  eighty  miles  ; 
and  in  the  San  Juan  valley,  especially  in  the  section 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Mancos.  The  elevated 
portions  of  the  former  section  are  composed  chiefly  of 
a  yellow  volcanic  tufa  of  coarse  texture,  sufficiently 
soft  and  yielding  to  be  readily  carved  or  worked  out 
with  the  stone  implements  possessed  by  the  ancient  in 
habitants.  The  cliffs  rise  perpendicularly  to  the 
height  of  from  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet  above  the 
sloping  talus  or  debris  which  extends  downward  to 
the  bottom  of  the  canons.  It  is  in  the  lower  part  of 
these  perpendicular  cliffs  the  former  inhabitants  hol 
lowed  out  their  dwelling-places  like  so  many  hermit 
cells. 

The  process  of  forming  these  strange  abodes  ap 
pears,  from  the  indications,  to  have  been  about  as  fol 
lows  :  The  doors,  which  are  usually  somewhat  square, 
were  first  cut  into  the  face  of  the  cliff  to  the  depth  of 
about  a  foot,  then  the  work  of  hollowing  out  the  room 
began.  This  is  generally  oval  or  irregularly  rounded, 
about  twelve  feet  in  diameter,  and  only  of  sufficient 
height  at  the  lowest  point  to  permit  a  full-grown 
person  to  stand  upright.  The  inside  was  excavated 
by  scraping  grooves  several  inches  deep  at  intervals  of 
several  inches,  and  breaking  out  the  intermediate 
portion.  In  this  way  the  work  progressed  until  the 


206  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

room  reached  the  desired  size.  Along  the  inner  walls 
of  these  rooms  are  little  niches  and  recesses  used  as 
places  for  storing  household  articles,  ornaments,  etc. 
Generally  there  are  small  holes  or  mortises  in  the  side 
close  to  the  roof,  from  some  of  which  the  decayed  ends 
of  wooden  beams  still  project.  These  were  probably 
used,  as  is  still  the  custom  in  some  of  the  Pueblos,  as 
poles  on  which  to  hang  blankets  and  clothing  or  meat 
to  dry.  In  addition  to  the  door  opening,  the  outer 
wall  is  sometimes  pierced  by  one  or  two  irregular 
holes  which  probably  served  as  windows.  Although 
there  are  abundant  evidences  in  the  blackened  roofs 
of  the  use  of  fire  in  these  dwellings,  there  are  no  fire 
places.  In  many  cases  there  are  rows  of  holes  across 
the  outside  front,  which  received  the  ends  of  beams 
forming  the  support  to  balconies. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  description,  it  may  be 
added  that  in  some  cases  the  roof  is  arched,  and  the 
doors  narrowed  at  the  top.  In  many  of  the  caves  ex 
amined  there  is  a  firm  and  level  floor  of  fine,  red  clay  ; 
and  on  the  sides  the  remains  of  a  coat  of  plaster,  con 
sisting  of  yellow  and  red  clay.  The  lower  part  of  the 
walls  is  occasionally  plastered  in  one  color  and  the 
upper  part  next  the  roof  in  another,  a  broad,  dark- 
brown  stripe  being  the  line  of  demarkation.  In  some 
cases,  smaller  caves  are  found  back  of  a  larger  one, 
communicating  with  the  main  room  by  means  of  tiny 
doorways. 

Although  these  caves  usually  open  at  the  top  of  the 
talus  or  sloping  debris  which  lies  against  the  base  of 
the  cliffs,  here  and  there  are  some  situated  higher  up 
the  face  of  the  precipice,  while  below  them  are  seen 
the  hollows  of  former  abodes  from  which  the  front 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section. 


207 


< 


walls  have  fallen  away.  It  is  probable  that  in  the 
latter  case  the  front  was  built  up  of  stone,  as  imme 
diately  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff  rough-hewn  blocks  are 
found.  The  face  of  a  cliff  showing  the  openings  to 
these  caves  is  seen  in  Fig.  73 

From  Mr.  Holmes's  "Report  on  the  Ancient  Ruins  of 
South-western  Colo 
rado,  ' '  it  appears  that 
the  manner  of  walling 
up  the  front  of  the 
cave-  dwellings ,  a  s 
here  given  (Fig.  73) , 
i  s  frequently  o  b- 
served  along  the 
bluffs  of  the  Rio 
Mancos,  where,  in 
corresponding  cliffs 
of  shaly  sandstone, 
there  are  many  ex 
amples.  The  walls 
in  many  cases  are 
well  preserved,  hav 
ing  a  somewhat 
recent  appearance, 
while  all  about,  high 
and  low,  are  others 
in  various  stages  of 
decay.  In  one  place 
a  picturesque  out 
standing  promontory  is  literally  honey-combed  with 
these  cave-houses,  the  outer  openings  to,  and  aper 
tures  communicating  between  them,  being  of  barely 
sufficient  size  to  allow  a  person  of  ordinary  propor- 


Fig.  73. 


Manner  of  walling  up  the  front 
of  cave  dwellings. 


208  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tions  to  pass  through.  On  the  brink  of  the  promon 
tory  immediately  above  stands  the  ruin  of  a  tower, 
undoubtedly  bearing  some  relation  to  the  people  who, 
like  swallows,  had  made  their  nests  in  the  face  of  the 
cliff.  As  there  were  other  towers  on  high  points 
along  the  stream,  it  is  probable  they  were  used  as 
lookout  and  signal  stations,  from  which  warning  could 
be  given  in  time  of  danger.  Mr.  Holmes  visited  and 
measured  seven  along  the  lower  fifteen  miles  of  the 
course  of  the  Bio  Mancos.  He  found  that  they 
ranged  from  ten  to  sixteen  feet  in  diameter,  the  re 
mains  yet  standing  varying  from  five  to  fifteen  feet  in 
height.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  river  is  a  double  cir 
cle  or  rather  two  circles  tangent  to  one  another.  The 
smaller,  which  is  fifteen  feet  in  diameter,  is  the  tower 
proper,  the  standing  portion  being  still  from  eight  to 
ten  feet  high.  The  larger  circle,  about  forty  feet  in 
diameter,  appears  to  have  been  simply  an  inclosure,  but 
for  what  purpose  is  unknown. 

Cliff-dwellings. 

Although  this  term,  when  strictly  used,  refers  to 
those  single  or  communal  houses  constructed  in  the 
shelves  and  recesses  of  the  cliffs,  yet  we  may  include 
under  it  those  dwellings  which  are  built  against  the 
base  of  the  cliffs. 

These  cliff-dwellings,  or  rather,  as  Nordenskiold 
remarks,  "cliff-towns,"  are  in  some  respects  the  most 
remarkable  ruins  of  the  south-west.  They  occur  at 
various  points  throughout  the  Rio  Colorado  basin. 
Nearly  all  of  the  Mesa  Verde  ruins  belong  to  this 
class ;  they  occur  along  the  banks  of  the  Rio  San 
Juan  and  in  the  canons  and  valleys  which  open  on 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  209 

its  north  bank,  and  are  reported  further  west  in  south 
eastern  Utah  in  the  now  almost  uninhabited  region 
between  the  Rio  San  Juan  and  Rio  Colorado.  Al 
though  the  regions  west  of  the  latter  river  have  been  but 
little  explored,  it  appears  that  they  are  by  no  means 
uncommon  there.  Even  the  recesses  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Grand  Canon,  whose  mysterious  depths  were  first 
described  by  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  too  gloomy  and  forbidding  to  afford  the  cliff-dwell 
ers  a  home .  Safety  and  security  against  some  inveterate 
foe  was  apparently  one  chief  object  in  view  in  selecting 
places  for  their  abodes,  yet  there  must  always  have  been 
some  reference  to  agriculture  and  a  water  supply. 

Referring  to  a  special  locality,  it  may  be  said  that 
throughout  the  entire  length  of  the  Mancos  Canon, 
and  in  all  its  subdivisions,  fortress-like  buildings  have 
been  erected  of  rough  hewn  blocks  of  sandstone  in 
shallow  recesses  and  on  narrow  ledges,  often  high  up 
the  cliffs  in  almost  inaccessible  situations.  These 
structures,  in  consequence  of  their  position  under  an 
overhanging  vault  of  rock,  are  generally  well  pre 
served, -though  they  have  been  abandoned  possibly 
for  several  centuries,  yet  possibly  in  historic  times. 
Not  only  the  stone  walls,  but  also  in  many  cases,  the 
beams  of  the  floors  between  the  different  stories  are 
well  preserved.  Even  wooden  articles,  textile  fabrics, 
bone  implements,  and  other  articles  are  often  found 
amid  the  debris  which  fills  the  rooms.  It  is  claimed 
that  in  this  region  alone  there  are  as  many  as  five 
hundred  of  these  dwellings. 

As  there  is  but  little  variation  in  the  general  char 
acter  of  these  ruins,  a  description  of  one  or  two  ex 
14 


210 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


amples  will  suffice  to  give  a  somewhat  correct  idea  of 
the  type.  For  this  purpose  a  description  by  Mr. 
Holmes  of  buildings  on  two  ledges  of  a  cliff  in  Mancos 
Canon  is  selected.  They  are  at  least  eight  hundred 

feet  above  the  river,  the 
lower  five  hundred  feet  of 
the  height  being  the  slop 
ing  debris  ;  the  remainder 
the  cliff  of  massive  sand- 
•-^^p^?^^i|rjj    stone   full    of    wind-worn 
«*."'        'T^H  niches,  crevices  and  caves. 

Within  one  hundred  feet  of 
the  top  of  the  cliff,  set  in  a 
deep  niche,  with  arched, 
overhanging  roof,  is  the 
'|$  mm  upper  house,  its  front  wall 

%"  built  along  the  very  brink 

Fig.  74.    Cliff-dwelling  on  the  Eio  of  a  sheer  precipice.  Thirty 
Mancos.  feet   below,    in    a   similar 

niche,  is  the  large  house, 

with  a  long  line  of  apertures.  A  section  of  the  cliff 
showing  the  position  of  a  dwelling,  though  not  the  one 
described,  is  given  in  Fig.  74. 

The  lower  house  occupies  the  entire  floor  of  a  niche 
sixty  feet  long,  running  back  fifteen  feet  at  its  greatest 
depth.  The  front  walls  are  flush  with  the  precipice, 
and  the  partition  walls  extend  back  to  the  rock  be 
hind.  Portions  of  the  walls  have  fallen  away,  but 
the  main  building,  which  contains  window-like  open 
ings,  is  still  thirteen  or  fourteen  feet  high.  The 
arrangement  of  the  rooms  of  the  left  portion  is  some 
what  complicated,  the  most  striking  feature  being  a 
circular  room.  The  estufa  or  ceremonial  room  was 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  211 

something,  as  it  would  seem,  their  exacting  supersti 
tions  could  not  omit,  howsoever  great  the  danger 
which  threatened  them,  or  whatever  might  be  the 
cost  of  labor  and  convenience.  The  inside  of  this 
room  is  curiously  fashioned,  with  offsets  and  box- 
shaped  recesses.  It  is  plastered  smoothly  ;  and  the 
entrance  to  it  from  the  left  is  through  a  walled  and 
covered  passage  of  solid  masonry,  so  small,  however, 
as  to  necessitate  abject  crawling  in  order  to  pass 
through.  The  partition  walls  between  the  rooms  do 
not  appear  to  have  been  built  up  to  the  rock  over 
head.  The  apertures  in  the  front  wall  are  about  five 
feet  from  the  floor,  and  may  have  been  intended  for 
some  other  purpose  than  as  windows,  as  they  are 
comparatively  small. 

By  digging,  the  explorers  found,  in  one  of  the 
small  rooms  to  the  left  of  the  circle,  a  large  earthen 
vessel,  and  in  the  larger  room  opposite,  another  of 
the  same  kind.  These  were  of  the  corrugated  or 
coiled  type.  Beneath  the  vessels,  spread  out  on  the 
floor,  was  a  large  piece  of  rush  matting,  and  beneath 
it  a  quantity  of  fine  vegetable  tissue,  made  from  the 
interior  bark  of  some  tree. 

The  rock  between  this  ruin  and  the  one  above  is 
smooth  and  vertical,  the  only  access  to  it  being  by  a 
stairway  cut  in  a  narrow  sloping  face  at  the  extreme 
left,  which  terminates  at  the  top  in  the  very  doorway 
to  the  dwelling.  The  position  of  this  ruin  is  one,  as 
Mr.  Holmes  terms  it,  "of  unparalleled  security  both 
from  enemies  and  from  the  elements."  The  almost 
vertical  cliff  descends  abruptly  from  the  front  wall, 
and  the  arched  roof  of  solid  stone  projects  forward 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  beyond.  The  house  occu- 


212  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

pies  the  entire  floor  of  the  recess,  which  is  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  long  and  extends  back  only 
ten  feet  at  the  deepest  point.  The  rooms  in  this  case 
are  all  formed  by  partition  walls  running  squarely 
back  from  the  front,  in  which  are  doors  for  inter 
communication.  While  digging  in  the  rubbish,  the 
explorers  found  in  one  place  a  quantity  of  beans,  and 
in  another,  grains  of  corn. 

In  one  of  these  houses,  called  the  "Long  House," 
from  its  long,  straggling,  semicircular  form — situated 
partly  on  the  sloping  talus  at  the  base  of  a  cliff  and 
partly  in  recesses — Mr.  Nordenskiold  found,  according 
to  the  plan  he  gives,  no  less  than  fifteen  estufas  or 
kivas.  At  the  extreme  left  is  a  triangular  tower,  the 
cliff  forming  one  of  the  walls,  which  still  stands  at 
its  full  height  of  four  stories,  though  the  uppermost 
room  is  too  small  for  other  use  than  a  place  for 
storage.  The  building  material  consists  of  the  same 
soft  sandstone  as  the  vault  of  rock.  These  stones, 
generally  a  little  larger  than  ordinary  bricks,  and 
seldom  too  large  to  be  handled  without  difficulty,  are 
roughly  hewn  and  cemented  with  mortar.  The  walls 
are  about  one  foot  thick.  The  ascent  from  story  to 
story  appears  to  have  been  by  means  of  stones  pro 
jecting  from  the  walls,  or  strong  pegs  driven  into  the 
latter,  as  nowhere  in  these  ruins,  nor  in  any  of  this 
region,  have  remnants  of  ladders  been  found,  though 
many  wooden  articles  are  well  preserved. 

As  a  rule,  human  remains  are  seldom  found  in  con 
nection  with  ruins  of  this  class.  However,  in  one  in 
stance,  Mr.  Nordenskiold  was  so  fortunate  as  to  dis 
cover  the  remains  of  eight  individuals  among,  or  in 
connection  with,  the  ruins  of  a  single  cliff-dwelling. 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  213 

This  ruin  of  the  Mesa  Verde  has  received  the  local 
name  of  "Step-House,"  from  the  fact  that  a  stone 
stairway  leads  upward  from  it  to  the  top  of  the  mesa. 
These  remains  were  not  found  in  the  building,  but  in 
the  space  immediately  adjoining,  and  appear  to  have 
been  in  shallow,  oval  excavations,  barely  of  sufficient 
size  to  admit  the  body  on  its  side  after  the  knees  had 
been  drawn  up  against  the  breast.  All  appear  to 
have  been  buried  in  this  manner. 

One  of  the  graves  contained  the  half-mummified 
remains  of  a  child.  It  had  been  wrapped  in  a  kind 
of  feather  cloth.  A  grave  near  that  of  the  child  con 
tained  the  remains  of  an  adult,  which  had  been 
wrapped  in  matting  made  of  osiers.  Four  earthen 
vessels  had  been  buried  with  the  corpse,  one  of  which, 
a  bowl,  was  turned  over  the  head.  There  were  also 
two  other  bowls  and  a  mug.  A  third  grave  contained 
the  remains  of  an  adult  completely  mummified.  The 
head  had  been  covered  with  a  skin  cap  and  the  feet 
with  moccasins  of  the  same  material,  and  the  body 
wrapped  in  a  kind  of  net  of  cords,  spirally  wound 
about  with  strips  of  hide,  on  which  the  hair  was  still 
partly  preserved  when  the  grave  was  opened.  The 
wrappings  were  further  secured  by  strips  of  yucca 
leaf,  under  which  thick  bunches  of  cedar  bast  hacl 
been  inserted.  Under  the  body  lay  a  mat  of  withes  ; 
the  head  rested  on  a  short,  rounded  block  of  wood  ; 
another  mat  was  spread  over  it.  The  grave  in  which 
it  was  buried  was  oval  in  form,  as  were  all  the  others, 
and  about  two  feet  deep.  In  front  of  the  face  was  a 
basket  full  of  corn-meal,  covered  by  a  handsome  bowl 
turned  upside  down  over  it.  By  the  side  of  the  bas 
ket  lay  a  small  ladle,  or  spoon,  and  between  the  two 


214  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

a  corn-cob.  Both  basket  and  meal  were  well  pre 
served,  the  latter  being  of  a  slightly  yellowish  color 
and  rather  coarse.  Some  of  the  graves  had  been  cov 
ered  by  placing  round  poles  across  them  at  intervals 
of  a  foot  or  so,  and  a  heavier  pole  lengthwise  over 
the  middle  of  these.  This  was  covered  with  a  mat, 
on  which  was  placed  a  broad  flat  stone,  and  the  whole 
covered  with  a  layer  of  earth  about  a  foot  in  depth. 
All  the  skulls  showed  signs  of  artificial  depression. 

Of  the  articles  unearthed  at  this  locality  we  note 
the  following,  in  addition  to  those  mentioned :  A 
large  black  jar  ;  a  bundle  of  reeds,  probably  intended 
for  arrow-shafts  ;  a  large  piece  of  flint  of  the  kind 
used  in  manufacturing  arrow-heads ;  a  number  of 
well-preserved  ears  of  corn ;  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth ; 
some  woven  baskets  of  yucca ;  pieces  of  a  white, 
kaolin-like  substance,  wrapped  in  corn  husks  and 
lying  in  the  bottom  of  a  jar,  probably  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  pottery  ;  the  entire  shell  of  a  pump 
kin. 

If  the  articles  mentioned  were  left  by  the  occupants 
of  this  cliff-dwelling,  their  departure  therefrom  can 
not  be  dated  very  far  back  in  the  past.  Although  a 
dry  climate,  where  decay  was  slow,  as  shown  by  the 
partly  mummified  bodies,  the  preservation  of  some  of 
the  articles  mentioned  for  many  centuries  would  seem 
impossible.  However,  before  further  comment,  at 
tention  is  called  to  the  ruins  on  the  plains  and  mesas, 
where  we  may  suppose  the  people  lived  a  more  peace 
ful  life,  and  in  less  apprehension  of  constant  danger 
than  is  to  be  inferred  from  those  described. 


The  Intcrmontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  215 

Ruins  on  the  Plateaus  and  in  the  Valleys. 

Throughout  most  of  the  Colorado  basin,  ruins  of 
stone  buildings  are  quite  common.  Although  remains 
of  single  structures  are  occasionally  seen,  those  of 
communal  buildings  or  villages  are  of  most  frequent 
occurrence.  Those  of  this  class  which  have  been 
most  thoroughly  examined  and  described  by  explorers 
are  chiefly  in  the  drainage  area  of  the  San  Juan,  as 
for  example  on  the  Mesa  Verde,  in  or  along  the  val 
leys  of  the  Mancos,  Las  Animas  and  Rio  de  la  Plata, 
at  the  Aztec  Springs  in  Montezuma  Valley  and  in  the 
McElmo  and  Hovenweep  canons.  It  is  also  known 
that  they  occur  on  the  wild  plateau  around  the  Grand 
Canon,  along  the  Colorado  Chiquito,  and  in  the  re 
gion  lying  between  the  last  mentioned  stream  and  the 
San  Juan  ;  however,  110  descriptions  of  these  have 
been  published,  nor  is  it  known  that  any  of  them 
have  been  thoroughly  investigated.  According  to 
Mr.  Nordenskiold,  to  whom  we  are  chiefly  indebted 
for  this  summary,  the  western  limit  of  the  Pueblo 
ruins  is  the  one  hundred  and  thirteenth  meridian,  W. 

A  description  of  one  of  the  most  noted  examples  of 
the  class,  accompanied  by  an  illustration,  will  per 
haps  convey  to  the  reader  a  more  correct  idea  of  the 
type  than  any  attempt  at  generalization.  For  this 
purpose  we  select  Mr.  Holmes 's  description  of  the 
ruins  at  "Aztec  Springs,"  located  in  the  depression 
between  the  Mesa  Verde  and  Late  Mountains,  a  short 
distance  south-west  from  Cortez.  The  general  plan 
is  shown  in  Fig.  75,  the  whole  group  covering  an  area 
of  about  480,000  square  feet.  The  stone  used  is 
chiefly  the  fossiliferous  limestone  which  crops  out 


216 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


along  the  base  of  the  Mesa  Verde,  a  mile  or  more 
away.  As  the  amount  of  mason  work  is  estimated  by 
Mr.  Holmes  at  1,500,000  cubic  feet,  the  transportation 
must  have  severely  taxed  the  energies  of  a  people  who 
were  themselves  their  only  beasts  of  burden  and 


Fig.  75.    Euins  at  Aztec  Springs. 

means  of  conveyance.  Nevertheless,  the  difficulty  of 
transportation  in  this  case,  except  as  judged  by  the 
amount,  was  not  so  great  as  that  necessary  to  fill  an 
almost  inaccessible  recess,  high  up  in  the  side  of  a 
precipice,  with  stone  walls. 

As  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  figure,  there  are 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section.  217 

two  groups  of  rooms,  which,  in  the  plan,  look  like 
the  meshes  in  pieces  of  netting.  Prominent  in  the 
village  are  two  rectangular  structures,  one  of  which 
occupies  a  central  position,  while  the  other  stands  at 
a  little  distance  on  the  outside.  There  are  two  circular 
rooms  in  the  left  group,  and  another  in  the  larger 
square  ;  these  are  depressed  in  the  center  and  are  un 
doubtedly  estufas.  The  upper  rectangular  house 
measures  about  one  hundred  by  eighty  feet,  and 
stands  with  the  cardinal  points  to  within  five  degrees. 
The  remaining  walls,  which  are  still  from  twelve  to 
fifteen  feet  high,  are  a  little  over  two  feet  thick,  built 
of  roughly  dressed  stone  apparently  laid  in  mortar, 
and  seem  to  have  been  double,  with  a  space  of  seven 
feet  between.  A  number  of  cross  walls  at  rectangular 
intervals  indicate  that  this  space  was  divided  into 
apartments,  as  shown  in  the  plan.  The  interior  space, 
which  is  somewhat  depressed,  was  crossed,  as  is 
judged  by  lines  of  fallen  stones,  by  two  partition 
walls . 

The  network  of  fallen  walls  is  so  reduced  that  Mr. 
Holmes  was  at  a  loss  to  determine  whether  they 
formed  a  cluster  of  irregular  apartments  having  low, 
loosely  built  walls,  or  are  the  remains  of  an  imposing 
adobe  structure,  built  after  the  manner  of  the  ruined 
pueblos  of  the  Kio  Chico  valley. 

The  lower  house,  which  stands  outside  of  the  vil 
lage,  is  two  hundred  feet  in  length  by  one  hundred 
and  eighty  in  width.  The  northern  wall  is  double, 
the  space  between  the  two — about  seven  feet  wide — 
being  divided  into  rooms  twenty-four  feet  long.  The 
walls  on  the  other  sides  are  low  and  are  supposed  to 
have  served  simply  to  inclose  the  great  court. 


218  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Near  a  dry  wash  that  enters  the  St.  Elmo  from  the 
south  is  another  ruin  similar  in  character  to  that  just 
described.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  compact  village 
or  communal  structure,  consisting  of  a  great  number 
of  rectangular  apartments  and  two  circular  buildings, 
or  towers.  One  of  the  latter  is  especially  interesting 
from  the  fact  that  it  consisted  of  three  concentric 
walls,  the  space  between  the  two  outer  ones — about 
five  feet  in  width — being  divided  into  little  rooms  by 
cross  wall,  or  partitions.  One  of  these  cross  walls, 
still  standing  to  the  height  of  twelve  feet,  was  pierced 
by  a  window-like  opening  some  distance  from  the 
floor. 

Villages    of   this   type    may  be   illustrated   by  ref 
erence    to    those    still    in 
habited  in  the  Mold  (Hopi) 
B      section.       Fig.    76    is    the 
H.     ground  plan  of  one  group 
of  the  village  of  Hano  or 
Tewa  as  given  by  Mr.  Vic 
tor  MindelefF  in  his  "Study 
of    Pueblo    Architecture," 

Eighth  Annual    Report  of 
Fie.  76.     Village  group.  Arizona.  ...         ^ 

the    Bureau    of    American 

Ethnology. 

Another  type,  of  which  a  number  of  important 
ruins  have  been  discovered,  is  the  true  communal 
pueblo,  consisting  of  one  chief  composite  structure, 
semicircular  or  rectangular,  surrounding  two  or  three 
sides  of  an  open  or  inclosed  area.  These  structures 
consist  of  box-like  rooms  placed  in  three,  four  or  five 
rows  ;  the  inner  row  next  the  inclosed  area  one  story, 
the  next  two  stories,  and  so  on  to  the  outer  one,  rising 


The  Intermontane  or  Pueblo  Section. 


219 


in  steps  or  terraces.     One  of  these,  semicircular  in 
form,  is  shown  in  Fig.  77.     The  largest  and  most  re- 


Fig.  77.     Ground  plan  of  the  Pueblo  Bonito. 

markable  structures  of  this  class  in  the  Colorado 
basin  are  situated  in  Chaco  Canon,  which  is  drained 
by  the  Rio  San  Juan.  That  shown  in  the  figure, 
known  as  Pueblo  Bonito,  is  about  530  feet  long  by 
308  in  width.  The  arrangement  of  the  rooms  is  not 
so  regular  in  this  instance  as  in  some  of  the  other 
pueblos.  There  are  also  indications  here  that  the 
structure  was  not  so  large  at  first,  but  that  two  or 
more  additions  have  been  made  to  it,  from  which  we 
judge  that  it  was  occupied  for  a  considerable  length 
of  time. 

If  we  compare  the  ruins  in  Chaco  Canon  with  the 
cliff-dwellings  in  Mancos,  says  Mr.  Nordenskiold,  we 
find  several  points  of  resemblance.  In  both  localities 
the  villages  were  fortified  against  attack  :  in  Mancos, 
by  their  site  in  inaccessible  precipices ;  in  Chaco 


220  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Canon,  by  a  high  outer  wall,  in  which  there  were  .no 
doorways.  Behind  the  outer  wall,  the  rooms  de 
scended  in  terraces  toward  the  inner  court.  One  side 
of  the  court  was  usually  protected  by  a  semicircular 
wall.  The  roofs,  which  are  flat  in  both  sections,  were 
constructed  in  the  same  way ;  the  rafters,  which 
formed  the  support,  were  often  allowed  to  project 
beyond  the  outer  wall  as  a  foundation  for  a  sort 
of  balcony,  and  the  doorways  w^ere  nearly  uniform  in 
dimensions.  The  pottery  strewn  every- where  in 
Chaco  Canon  resembles  that  of/  the  Mesa  Verde.  We 
are,  therefore,  concludes  the  writer,  not  without 
grounds  for  assuming  that  the  works  of  the  two  classes 
are  to  be  attributed  to  the  same  people,  a  conclusion 
generally  concurred  in. 


The  Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  221 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE    GILA    VALLEY    AND    CHIHUAHUA. 

Passing  to  the  basin  of  the  Rio  Gila  and  valleys  of 
Chihuahua,  we  find  that  the  character  of  the  struc 
tures  changes,  as  here  adobe  is  the  chief  material 
used,  while  stone,  as  we  have  seen,  is  the  material 
preferred  in  the  more  northern  regions  alluded  to. 
Here  the  chief  structure  of  a  village  was  a  building 
of  more  compact  form,  of  which  the  Casa  Grande,  so 
often  described  and  figured,  may  be  taken  as  a  type. 
The  interior,  consisting  of  three  or  four  stories,  is 
divided  into  rooms,  one  central  in  each  story,  or  at- 
least  in  the  lower,  and  hence  without  light,  except  as 
filtered  through  the  other  rooms.  The  numerous 
ruins  along  the  Salado,  so  far  as  the  plans  can  be 
understood  from  the  rubbish  heaps  forming  the  re 
mains,  appear  to  indicate  structures  of  substantially 
the  same  type. 

One  of  the  best  evidences  of  the  somewhat  ad 
vanced  culture  of  the  former  inhabitants  of  this  re 
gion  is  found  in  the  works  of  irrigation  in  southern 
Arizona,  so  well  described  by  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge  (Am. 
Anthropologist,  July,  1893) .  It  appears  from  this 
paper  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Salado  and 
Gila  valleys  engaged  in  agriculture  by  artificial  irri 
gation  to  a  vast  extent.  Judging  by  the  remains  of 
extensive  ancient  works,  many  of  which  may  still  be 
seen  passing  through  tracts  cultivated  to-day,  and 


222  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

across  densely  wooded  stretches,  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
the  principal  canals  constructed  and  used  by  the 
former  inhabitants  of  Salado  valley  supplied  suffi 
cient  water  to  irrigate  at  least  250,000  acres.  It  is 
evident  from  this  single  fact  that  the  people,  who 
supplied  themselves  with  food  by  such  industrial 
means'  as  are  indicated  by  this  extensive  system  of 
irrigating  canals,  were  on  the  high  road  toward  civ 
ilization.  Yet  the  valley  of  happy  homes  was  des 
tined  by  some  dire  calamity,  probably  of  savage 
warfare,  to  be  turned  into  a  desert. 

Mr.  Lumholtz  found  in  the  wild,  rugged,  unin 
habited  regions  of  the  Sierra  Madre  numerous  ruins 
usually  built  of  stone  and  perched  on  mountain  tops. 
Occasionally  the  buildings  were  surrounded  by  fortifi 
cations.  Others  also  of  stone  were  observed  in  caves. 
Some  of  these  were  three  stories  high,  furnished  with 
small  windows  and  doors  in  the  shape  of  a  cross. 
Here  and  there  were  stone  terraces  built  across  narrow 
glens,  obviously  intended  for  agricultural  purposes. 
Burial  caves  containing  mummies  were  also  dis 
covered.  These  mummies,  some  of  which  still  re 
tained  the  hair  and  eyebrows,  are  of  low  stature,  and 
bear  a  marked  resemblance  to  the  Moki  Indians,  who, 
as  well  as  the  Zunis,  have  a  tradition  that  their  ances 
tors  came  from  the  south.  Some  examples  of  the  so- 
called  "intrenched  mountains"  were  observed  by  Prof. 
W.  J.  McGee  during  his  visit  to  Sonora  in  1895. 

There  are  numerous  minor  ruins  in  north-eastern 
Sonora,  but  these  are  mostly  comparatively  modern, 
and  apparently  the  remains  of  Indian  (Opata?)  vil 
lages  destroyed  by  the  Apaches.  Near  Carretas,  in 
Chihuahua,  there  are  ruins  of  ancient  habitations 
which  Mr.  Bandelier,  who  examined  them,  thinks 


The  Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  223 

present  a  different  type  from  others  mentioned.  "The 
appearance,"  he  says,  "which  these  ruins  present  is 
strikingly  different  from  that  of  any  of  those  investi 
gated  by  me  in  Sonora.  They  resemble  the  ruins 
on  the  Gila  and  Lower  Salado,  inasmuch  as  they  con 
sist  of  low  mounds  of  white  earth,  indicating  build 
ings  larger  and  more  substantial  than  those  of 
Sonora,  and  connected  with  them  were  inclosures. 
The  walls  forming  the  latter  were  embankments  of 
the  same  material  as  the  mounds,  with  some  traces  of 
stonework.  The  mounds  are  about  five  feet  high,  and 
covered  with  all  kinds  of  well-painted  potsherds  like 
those  found  in  the  ruins  of  north-eastern  Sonora. 
Metates  and  crushing-pins,  besides  pottery,  were  the 
only  manufactured  objects  noticed  by  me  on  the  spot. 
There  are  faint  traces  of  stone  or  rubble  foundations 
on  one  of  the  mounds  composing  this  cluster  ;  other 
wise  it  is  clear  that  buildings  and  inclosures  were  of 
the  same  kind  of  white  adobe  as  the  walls  at  Casa 
Grande  and  other  ruins  on  the  Gila." 

The  noted  and  oft-mentioned  ruins  of  Casas  Grandes, 
or  "Great  Houses,"  are  situated  in  the  western  part  of 
Chihuahua  on  a  small  stream  known  as  the  Casas 
Grandes  river.  These  lie  chiefly  on  the  southern  ex 
tremity  of  a  natural  terrace  which  rises  above  the 
level  of  the  river  bottom,  which  is  traversed  by  sev 
eral  gulches ;  some  ruins,  however,  are  found  on 
the  bottom  land.  They  consist  of  the  remains  of 
walls,  the  larger  portions  of  which  have  fallen  and 
crumbled  into  heaps  of  rubbish.  At  some  points,  as 
at  the  corners  and  where  supported  by  partitions, 
they  were  still  standing  a  few  years  ago  at  a  height 
of  from  two  to  three  stories,  varying  in  thickness  from 
sixteen  inches  to  four  feet.  Mr.  Bandelier  says  the 


224  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


structures  are  of  the  same  make  and  pattern  as  those 
in  the  Tempe  valley,  described  by  Mr.  Gushing,  but 
with  some  exceptions  are  large  and  the  doorways  of 
quite  good  size.  The  air  holes  and  apertures  for  light, 
which,  perhaps,  deserve  the  name  of  windows,  are 
rectangular,  round  and  oval.  The  lintels  of  the  doors, 

as  well  as  of  the  rectangu 
lar  windows,  were  of  wood, 
consisting  of  flat  or  half 
round  pieces.  The  roofing 
was  similar  to  that  of  the 
pueblos.  The  houses  con 
sisted  of  from  one  to  several 
stories,  and  the  remains  of 
some  indicate  that  the  cen 
tral  portions  were  higher 
than  the  outer  ones.  The 
ground  plan  of  the  chief 
group  is  shown  in  Fig.  78, 
as  given  by  Bandelier.  Mr. 
Bartlett,  who  visited  these 
ruins  thirty  years  previous  to 
the  time  Bandelier  saw  them, 
remarks  that,  from  a  close 
examination  of  what  remains 
"of  the  building  or  buildings,"  he  came  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  the  outer  portions  were  not  above  one  story  in 
height,  while  the  central  ones  were  from  three  to  six 
stories.  The  walls,  which  appear  to  have  been  built 
of  sun-dried  blocks  of  mud  and  gravel,  vary  in  thick 
ness  from  sixteen  inches  to  four  feet.  Scattered 
among  the  ruins  are  numerous  household  articles 
and  utensils,  and  Mr.  Bandelier  says  no  place  has 


Fig.  78. 


Ground  plau  of  Casas 
Grandes. 


The  Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  225 

been  dug  into  without  metates,  pottery  and  other 
articles  of  daily  use  coming  to  light.  He  describes  as 
follows  some  structures  which  were  enigmatical  to 
him  : 

"There  are  structures  which  remain  enigmatical  to 
me.  These  structures  lie  west  and  north-west  of  the 
measurable  portions  of  the  ruins.  They  are  solid, 
elliptical  or  circular  mounds,  of  various  heights,  com 
posed  mainly  of  gravel.  They  suggest  the  idea  of 
artificial  platforms  upon  which  buildings  were  to  be 
erected  ;  but  I  saw  no  traces  of  foundations,  and  the 
level  on  which  they  are  situated  is  already  higher 
than  that  of  the  great  houses  themselves.  Nos.  I  and 
IV  are  still  more  peculiar  ;  while  the  others  are  low, 
hardly  over  one  or  two  feet  high,  I  rises  to  an  eleva 
tion  of  3.5m.  (11  feet).  It  has  been  excavated  in 
the  center,  and  the  section  shows  nothing  else  but  a 
solid  mass  of  gravel.  It  is  a  mass  of  gravel  with  a 
rim  of  stones  extending  around  its  upper  slopes  at  a 
few  inches  below  the  top,  which  is  flat  and  thickly 
strewn  with  fragments  of  pottery.  This  artificial  ele 
vation  is  connected  with  a  partly  ruined  inclosure, 
the  interior  of  which  is  free  from  gravel,  and  was 
slightly  moist.  The  inclosure  consists  of  an  embank 
ment  supported  by  a  stone  wall,  similar  to  the  dikes 
near  Baserac  in  Sonora.  The  stone  wall  was  built  on 
the  inner  side,  and  the  surface  of  the  area  thus  in 
closed  is  thirteen  hundred  square  meters,  or  a  little 
more  than  one-fourth  of  an  acre." 

The  same  writer  remarks  : 

"Of  all  the  objects  found  at  the  ruins  of  Casas 
Grandes,  the  pottery  attracts  the  principal  attention. 
15 


226  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Not  that  it  is  any  better  than  that  found  in  the  ruins 
of  that  section  in  general,  for  it  is  of  the  same  make 
and  type,  but  the  number  of  specimens  found  in  a 
good  state  of  preservation  is  striking.  The  decoration 
on  these  vessels— I  have  seen  but  very  few  plain 
ones — derives  its  patterns  from  symbolic  figures  which 
are  like  those  of  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico.  In  ad 
dition  to  the  painted  pottery,  there  is  also  plastically 
decorated  ware,  but  all  of  this  that  I  have  seen  is  also 
painted.  One  jar  showed  very  crude  corrugations, 
but  still  was  painted  reddish  brown  ;  another  kind  of 
pottery  had  regular  indentations  carefully  painted  in 
various  colors.  It  may  be  remembered  that,  in  speak 
ing  of  the  corrugated  pottery  found  at  Fort  Apache,  I 
said  that  it  was  painted,  but  without  regard  to  har 
mony  with  plastic  designs.  Lastly,  I  have  heard  of 
pottery  with  human  figures,  colored  in  alto-relievo, 
but  was  unable  to  procure  any  specimen.  I  was  as 
sured  that  the  figures  are  grossly  obscene.  Mr.  Bart- 
lett  has  given  fair  representatives  of  the  Casas 
Grandes  pottery.  The  shapes  are  like  those  of  New 
Mexican  pueblo  pottery,  with  the  difference  that  the 
bottoms  are  convex. 

"The  metates  of  Casas  Grandes  differ  from  others 
seen  by  me  in  the  south-west  in  being  much  better 
fabricated,  and  even  sometimes  elaborately  carved. 
They  are  generally  square,  and  nicely  finished,  but  I 
saw  one  of  crude  make.  A  double  metate  of  lava 
was  shown  to  me,  and  Mr.  Bartlett  has  figured  one 
with  legs.  Whatever  crushing-pins  I  saw  were  pris 
matic,  and  not  cylindrical,  as  they  are  further  south. 
I  noticed  mortars  of  lava,  fairly  made,  and  one  pestle, 
with  the  head  of  a  mountain  sheep  rather  well  sculp- 


The  Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  227 

tured.  The  last  implement  was  of  syenite.  Stone 
axes  are  like  the  well-known  instruments  of  the  kind 
from  Arizona.  I  heard  of  cotton  cloth  found  in  the 
ruins,  and  of  threads  of  yucca  fiber.  I  have  seen 
many  turquoise  beads  and  ear  pendants  of  turquoise 
precisely  like  those  worn  to-day  by  the  Pueblo  Indians 
or  found  in  the  ruins,  also  shell  beads  and  many 
shells,  entire  as  well  as  broken  and  perforated.  The 
following  species  have  been  identified  from  the  copies 
made  by  me  in  color  :  Turritella  Broderipiana,  a  species 
from  the  Pacific  coast ;  Conus  proteus,  probably  from 
the  West  Indies  ;  Conus  regularis,  from  the  West  In 
dies  ;  and  a  Columbella,  locality  not  given.  All  the 
univalves  found  at  Casas  Grandes,  as  far  as  I  know, 
are  marine  shells.  The  finding  of  such  shells  at  a 
point  so  far  away  from  the  sea-coast,  and  nearly  equi 
distant  from  the  Gulfs  of  Mexico  and  of  California, 
is  a  remarkable  feature,  implying  a  primitive  com 
merce  or  inter-tribal  warfare  which  carried  the  objects 
to  the  inland  pueblo  at  Casas  Grandes. 

"Two  interesting  finds  I  still  have  to  report.  One 
is  a  fetich  of  the  puma  (Felis  concolor] ,  'mountain 
lion,'  or  cougar.  The  specimen  was  of  small  size, 
apparently  made  of  some  kind  of  actinolite,  and  the 
figure  was  exactly  like  the  fetiches  of  the  mountain 
lion,  called  at  Zuni  'long  tail.'  It  might  have  been 
manufactured  in  New  Mexico,  so  great  is  the  resem 
blance.  Another  piece  was  only  the  head  of  the 
same  animal,  of  larger  size  and  of  the  same  kind  of 
stone.  If  the  body  was  in  proportion  to  the  size  of 
the  head,  the  whole  figure  would  have  been  as  large 
as  a  small  domestic  cat." 

Some  of  the  structures  of  this  group  present  an  in- 


llilULi 


IHUITL 


228  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

terior  arrangement  (Fig.  79)  which  bears  a  strong 
resemblance  to  that  of  some  of  the  Central  American 
ruins. 

Cave-   or  cliff-dwellings    are  found   as   far   south 
as    Casas    Grandes.      Mr.    Bandelier  says    he    heard 
them  frequently  spoken  of  In  that  region.     Some  re 
markable  ones  are  said  to  exist  near  the 
Piedras  Verdes,  about  two  days'  journey 
from    Casas    Grandes.      Some    examined 
by   Mr.    Bandelier   on    the    Arroyo    del 
Nombre    de    Dios,    about    thirty-five    or 
forty  miles  south-west  of  Casas  Grandes, 
Fig.  79.  Plan  of  are  in  all  their  essential  features  similar 
Casas  Grandes 
house.  to   tnose   already  described.      "In   front 

of  the  rooms  runs,  almost  along  the 
precipice,  a  wall,  which,  near  where  the  trail  enters 
the  cave  reaches  as  high  as  the  roof,  thus  forming  a 
corridor  with  the  walls  of  the  apartments  in  the  rear. 
Where  the  outer  wall  is  lower,  it  is  crowned  with  ir 
regular  battlements.  In  this  purely  protective  or 
defensive  exterior  device,  circular  loopholes  are  so  dis 
posed  as  to  command  the  trail. ' '  The  inner  walls  were 
found  to  be  well  preserved  and  displayed  more  care 
and  neatness  in  construction  than  those  further  north. 
The  doorways  resemble  those  of  Casas  Grandes  except 
that  they  are  smaller.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the 
one  figured  by  Mr.  Bandelier  is  without  an  estufa. 

In  regard  to  the  culture  of  this  reigon,  the  author 
last  quoted  remarks  : 

"The  ancient  culture  which  flourished  at  Casas 
Grandes  and  in  its  neighborhood  was  similar  to  that 
which  existed  on  the  banks  of  the  Gila  and  Salado  in 
Arizona ;  the  architecture  especially  is  of  the  same 


The   Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  229 

type.  But  at  Casas  Grandes  there  was  a  marked  ad 
vance  over  any  other  portion  of  the  south-west  so  far 
visited  by  me,  shown  particularly  in  certain  household 
utensils,  in  the  possible  existence  of  stairways  in  the 
interior  of  houses,  and  in  the  method  of  construction 
of  irrigating  ditches.  Nevertheless,  the  strides  made 
were  not- important  enough  to  raise  the  people  to  the 
level  of  the  more  southern  tribes.  Their  plastic  art. 
as  far  as  displayed  in  the  few  idols  and  fetiches,  re 
mains  behind  that  of  the  Nahuatl,  Tzapoticas,  Mayas, 
etc.  They  seem  to  have  reached  an  intermediate 
stage  between  them  and  the  pueblos,  though  nearer 
to  the  latter  than  the  former." 

The  Builders. 

It  appears  to  be  generally  conceded  that  the  modern 
Pueblo  Indians  are  descendants  of  the  cliff-dwellers 
and  people  who  built  the  clustered  villages  on  the 
mesas  and  plateaus  which  have  been  mentioned.  But 
as  yet  no  satisfactory  attempt  to  trace  their  history 
back  of  the  age  of  these  structures  has  been  made. 
It  is  known  that  they  are  a  mixed  race,  that  is,  they 
pertain  to  different  linguistic  stocks.  For  instance, 
the  Moki  belong,  at  least  in  part,  to  the  Shoshoni 
stock ;  while  the  other  pueblos  embrace  the  Kera, 
Tehua  and  Zuni  stocks.  No  relationship  between  the 
latter  three  or  between  either  and  any  other  tribes  has 
been  discovered.  Mr.  Hodge  and  some  other  students 
of  ethnology  of  this  south-western  section  believe  that 
the  Navajos,  though  like  the  Apaches,  connected  lin 
guistically  with  the  Athapascan  or  Dene  stock,  were 
at  one  time  cliff-dwellers,  and  present  considerable 
evidence  in  support  of  this  opinion. 


230  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology, 

The  origin  of  the  cliff -dwellings  and  cave-houses, 
and  the  cause  which  brought  about  the  dispeopling 
of  these  resorts  and  the  thousands  of  clustered  villages 
whose  ruins  are  scattered  over  the  Colorado  basin  and 
other  parts  of  the  south-west,  is  generally  supposed 
to  have  been  chiefly  the  relentless  war  \vaged  against 
the  people  of  these  sections  by  the  Apaches. 

Major  Powell  (Thirteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bu 
reau  of  American  Ethnology) ,  after  describing  the 
physical  features  of  the  district,  remarks  as  follows  : 
"These  geographic  conditions,  originating  in  clearly 
denned  geologic  processes,  have  affected  the  habita- 
bility  of  the  tract  since  men  first  appeared  therein — 
indeed,  to  these  conditions  the  peculiarities  of  south 
western  aboriginal  culture  are  to  be  ascribed  in  large 
measure."  However,  there  is  nothing  in  the  ruins 
themselves  to  indicate  a  materially  different  climatic 
condition  than  the  present,  though  man  probably  inhab 
ited  the  region  long  before  these  structures  were  formed. 

Mr.  Hodge  assumes  that  the  selections  of  the  village 
sites  of  the  pueblos  prior  to  1680  were  made  chiefly 
with  reference  to  their  agricultural  pursuits,  which 
depended  on  irrigation,  and  that,  so  far  as  defensive 
motives  were  concerned,  they  related  to  inter-tribal 
broils,  and  not  to  security  against  the  attacks  of  the 
Apaches,  who,  he  thinks,  did  not  enter  upon  the 
scene  previous  to  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards.  Mr. 
Cosmos  Mindeleff,  who  has  devoted  considerable  time 
to  the  study  of  the  pueblo  architecture,  carries  this 
view  still  further.  Speaking  of  the  ruins  of  Canon 
de  Chelly,  he  says  : 

"Here,  if  anywhere,  we  should  find  corroboration 
of  the  old  idea  that  the  cliffs  were  the  homes  and  last 
refuge  of  a  race  harassed  by  powerful  enemies  and 


The  Gila  Valley  and  Chihuahua.  231 

finally  driven  to  the  construction  of  dwellings  in  in 
accessible  cliffs,  where  a  last  ineffectual  stand  was 
made  against  their  foes,  or  the  more  recent  theory 
that  they  represent  an  early  stage  in  the  development 
of  pueblo  architecture,  when  the  pueblos  were  few  in 
number  and  surrounded  by  numerous  enemies. 
Neither  of  these  theories  is  in  accord  with  the  facts 
of  observation.  The  still  later  idea  that  the  cliff- 
dwellings  were  used  as  places  of  refuge  by  various 
pueblo  tribes,  who,  wrhen  the  occasion  for  such  use 
was  passed,  returned  to  their  original  homes,  or  to 
others  constructed  like  them,  may  explain  some  of 
the  cliff  ruins." 

He  presents  what  appears  to  be  conclusive  evidence 
that  some  of  the  cliff-dwellings  were  constructed,  or 
at  least  repaired,  subsequent  to  the  introduction  of 
domestic  animals,  and  hence,  after  the  incoming  of 
the  Spaniards.  However,  there  is,  on  the  other 
hand,  historical  proof  that  some  of  the  localities 
were  deserted,  and  some  of  the  pueblos  in  ruins,  at 
the  time  of  Coronado's  expedition  in  1540.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  remains  of  the  cliff-dwellings  to  show 
that  as  a  class  they  are  older  than  either  of  the  other 
classes.  Mr.  Mindeleff  is  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  the  estufa  or  kiva,  which  is  usually  circular  in 
form,  is  a  survival  of  a  more  ancient  custom,  and  not 
a  development  of  this  area.  This  was  the  sacred 
chamber,  in  which  the  religious  and  civil  affairs  of 
the  tribe  or  band  were  transacted,  and  which  also 
formed  a  resort  for  the  males.  Possibly  it  is  repre 
sented  in  the  more  southern  regions  of  the  civilized 
tribes  by  inner  chambers  of  the  temples. 

The  presence  in  this  region  of  some  three  or  four 
small,  distinct  linguistic  stocks  is  as  yet  an  unexplained 


232          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

phenomenon.  Possibly  this  condition  is  due  to  the 
same  general  cause  which  forced  so  many  small 
stocks  to  the  coasts  of  California  and  Oregon.  How 
ever,  it  seems  more  likely,  if  we  may  venture  to  offer 
a  mere  guess,  that  further  study  of  the  languages 
may  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  these  groups  are  frag 
ments  broken  off  from  other  large  stocks,  in  the  distant 
past,  or  remnants  of  those  otherwise  extinct.  To  what 
date  the  oldest  evidences  of  occupancy  of  the  region 
can  be  assigned  is  a  question  to  which  no  answer 
having  any  claim  to  general  acceptance  can  as  yet  be 
given.  There  is  such  a  uniformity  in  character,  such 
a  sameness  in  types,  until  we  approach  the  borders  of 
Mexico,  as  to  indicate  that  they  are  due  almost  wholly 
to  the  physical  conditions.  All  that  can.  be  said  in 
re.gard  to  the  antiquity  of  the  works  is  that  the  oldest 
antedate  by  several  centuries  the  incoming  of  the 
Spaniards. 

Passing  from  Arizona  into  that  part  of  north-west 
ern  Mexico  which  is  included  in  this  section,  \ve  pro 
ceed  some  distance  toward  the  southeast  before  any 
marked  change  in  the  archaeological  types  is  ob 
served;  there  is,  however,  a  gradual  modification  of 
one  and  a  fading  out  of  the  other.  The  aggregation  of 
cells,  which  constitutes  the  true  pueblo  type,  gradually 
fades  out  as  we  move  southward,  disappearing  by  the 
time  we  reach  Casas  Grandes,  in  Chihuahua.  It  is 
in  this  region,  also,  that  the  most  southern  examples 
of  the  cliff-dweliings  occur,  so  far  as  known.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  type,  of  which  the  Casa  Grande  in 
the  lower  Gila  valley  forms  a  somewhat  rude  exam 
ple,  becomes  more  and  more  prominent,  undergoing 
such  modifications  as  bring  it  nearer  and  nearer  to 
the  more  stately  structures  of  the  southern  region. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  233  . 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MEXICAN    SECTION CIVILIZATION. 

Having  described  briefly  the  known  antiquities  of 
north-western  Mexico,  which  lie  along  the  main  route 
in  that  direction,  and  in  a  region  occupied  by  the  nu 
merous  small  tribes  of  the  Sonoran  branch  of  the 
great  Uto-Aztecan  stock,  we  now  enter  what  may  be 
considered  the  Mexican  or  Central  American  section. 
It  was  in  this  section  that  native  culture  reached  its 
most  advanced  stage  in  North  America,  that  native 
talent  made  its  nearest  approach  to  the  arts  and  cul 
ture  of  the  Old  World. 

It  is  impossible,  with  our  present  imperfect  knowl 
edge  of  the  antiquities,  to  determine  with  certainty 
the  geographical  range  of  this  civilization.  Bancroft 
designates  the  northern  limit  by  "an  irregular  line 
extending  across  the  continent  from  north-east  to 
south-west,  terminating  at  Tampico  on  the  gulf  and 
at  the  bar  of  Zacatula  on  the  Pacific."  However,  it 
is  sufficient  for  the  present  purpose  to  state  in  general 
terms  that  it  extended  over  the  southern  half  of  Mex 
ico  and  over  Central  America,*  to  and  including 
Nicaragua. 

This  region,  when  first  visited  by  the  whites,  was 
inhabited  by  the  following  stocks  :  the  Nahuatl  branch 


*  Although  Yucatan  and  Chiapas  are  parts  of  the  territory  of 
Mexico,  yet  throughout  this  work  we  shall  include  them  under  the 
term  "  Central  America,"  as  distinguished  from  Mexico  proper. 


234  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

of  the  Uto-Aztecan  family,*  with  southern  and  central 
Mexico  as  its  chief  locality,  but  with  outlying  branches 
in  Guatemala,  Nicaragua  and  San  Salvador ;  and  the 
Maya,  occupying  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  and  a 
large  portion  of  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  with  an  out 
lying  branch  (Huastecas)  on  the  Rio  Panuco,  north 
of  Vera  Cruz.  These  two  were  the  leading  and  great 
stocks  of  this  region.  Next  to  these  we  might  name, 
perhaps,  the  Zapotec-Mixtec  stock,  located  chiefly  in 
the  province  of  Oaxaca.  Besides  these  there  were  a 
number  of  stocks  of  limited  extent,  as  the  Otomies, 
in  central  Mexico  ;  the  Tarascos,  in  Michoacan  ;  the 
Totonacas,  in  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz  ;  the  Chapanecs 
and  their  allies,  chiefly  in  Chiapas,  etc. 

Although  the  question  of  the  origin  of  this  civiliza 
tion  will  be  briefly  discussed  in  a  future  chapter,  it  is 
necessary,  in  order  that  the  questions  arising  in  re 
gard  to  the  ruins  to  be  described  may  be  understood, 
that  some  notice  be  given  here  of  the  character  of  this 
civilization,  and  that  mention  be  made  of  certain  im 
portant  traditions  which  have  been  generally  accepted 
as  based  on  truth,  though  evidently  fictitious  in  many 
of  their  details. 

The  pre-Columbian  history  of  this  region,  which  is 
given  by  the  early  Spanish  authorities  and  their  more 
recent  collators,  with  abundant  details,  rests  on  con 
fused  traditions  and  questionable  records,  mixed  with 
legendary  and  mythological  relations,  and  is  full  of 
obscurity  and  doubt.  Prescott,  striving  to  find  some 

*  This  term  is  used  in  the  sense  indicated  by  Buschmann  of  rela 
tionship  between  Nahautl  and  Shoshoni  linguistic  groups.  It  is 
proper,  however,  to  state  that  Major  Powell  expresses  some  doubt  as 
to  the  sufficiency  of  the  evidence  on  which  this  combination  is  based. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  235 

firm  ground  on  which  to  stand,  briefly  summarizes  as 
follows  : 

"Of  these  races,  the  most  conspicuous  were  the 
Toltecs.  Advancing  from  a  northerly  direction,  but 
from  what  region  is  uncertain,  they  entered  the  terri 
tory  of  Anahuac,  probably  before  the  close  of  the 
seventh  century.  Of  course  little  can  be  gleaned 
with  certainty  respecting  a  people  whose  written 
records  have  perished,  and  who  are  known  to  us  only 
through  the  traditionary  legends  of  the  nations  that 
succeeded  them.  By  the  general  agreement  of  these, 
however,  the  Toltecs  were  well  instructed  in  agricul 
ture  and  many  of  the  most  useful  mechanic  arts  ; 
were  nice  workers  of  metals  ;  invented  the  complex 
arrangement  of  time  adopted  by  the  Aztecs  ;  and,  in 
short,  were  the  true  fountains  of  the  civilization  which 
distinguished  this  part  of  the  continent  in  later  times. 
They  established  their  capital  at  Tula,  north  of  the 
Mexican  valley,  and  the  remains  of  extensive  build 
ings  were  to  be  discerned  there  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest.  The  noble  ruins  of  religious  and  other 
edifices,  still  to  be  seen  in  various  parts  of  New  Spain, 
are  referred  to  this  people,  whose  name,  Toltec,  has 
passed  into  a  synonym  for  architect.  Their  shadowy 
history  reminds  us  of  those  primitive  races  who  pre 
ceded  the  ancient  Egyptians  in  the  march  of  civiliza 
tion,  fragments  of  whose  monuments,  as  they  are 
seen  at  this  day,  incorporated  with  the  buildings  of 
the  Egyptians  themselves,  give  to  these  latter  the  ap 
pearance  of  almost  modern  constructions. 

"After  a  period  of  four  centuries,  the  Toltecs,  who 
had  extended  their  sway  over  the  remotest  borders  of 
Anahuac,  having  been  greatly  reduced,  it  is  said,  by 
famine,  pestilence  and  unsuccessful  wars,  disappeared 


236  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

from  the  land  as  silently  and  mysteriously  as  they  had 
entered  it.  A  few  of  them  still  lingered  behind,  but 
much  the  greater  number,  probably,  spread  over  the 
region  of  Central  America  and  the  neighboring  isles  ; 
and  the  traveler  now  speculates  on  the  majestic  ruins 
of  Mitla  and  Palenque,  as  possibly  the  work  of  this 
extraordinary  people. 

"After  the  lapse  of  another  hundred  years,  a  numer 
ous  and  rude  tribe,  called  the  Chichimecs,  entered  the 
deserted  country  from  the  far  north-west,  They  were 
speedily  followed  by  other  races,  of  higher  civiliza 
tion,  perhaps  of  the  same  families  with  the  Toltecs, 
whose  language  they  appear  to  have  spoken.  The 
most  noted  of  these  were  the  Aztecs  or  Mexicans, 
and  the  Acolhuans.  The  latter,  being  better  known 
in  later  times  by  the  name  of  Tezcucans,  from  their 
capital,  Tezcuco,  on  the  eastern  border  of  the  Mexi 
can  lake,  were  peculiarly  fitted,  by  their  comparatively 
mild  religion  and  manners,  for  receiving  the  tincture 
of  civilization  which  could  be  derived  from  the  few 
Toltecs  that  still  remained  in  the  country.  This,  in 
their  turn,  they  communicated  to  the  barbarous  Chic 
himecs,  a  large  portion  of  whom  became  amalgamated 
with  the  new  settlers  as  one  nation. 

"Availing  themselves  of  the  strength  derived,  not 
only  from  this  increase  of  numbers,  but  from  their 
own  superior  refinement,  the  Acolhuans  gradually 
stretched  their  empire  over  the  ruder  tribes  in  the 
north  ;  while  their  capital  was  filled  with  a  numerous 
population,  busily  employed  in  many  of  the  more  useful 
and  even  elegant  arts  of  a  civilized  community.  In 
this  palmy  state  they  were  suddenly  assaulted  by  a 
war-like  neighbor,  the  Tepanecs,  their  own  kindred, 
and  inhabitants  of  the  same  valley  as  themselves. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  237 

Their  provinces  were  overrun,  their  armies  beaten, 
their  king  assassinated,  and  the  flourishing  city  of 
Tezcuco  became  the  prize  of  the  victor.  From  this 
abject  condition  the  uncommon  abilities  of  the  young 
prince,  Nezahualcoyotl,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  crown, 
backed  by  the  efficient  aid  of  his  Mexican  allies,  at  length 
redeemed  the  state,  and  opened  it  to  a  new  career  of 
prosperity,  even  more  brilliant  than  the  former. 

"The  Mexicans,  with  whom  our  history  is  princi 
pally  concerned,  came  also,  as  we  have  seen,  from  the 
remote  regions  of  the  North — the  populous  hive  of 
nations  in  the  New  World,  as  it  has  been  in  the  Old. 
They  arrived  on  the  borders  of  Anahuac  toward  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  some  time  after 
the  occupation  of  the  land  by  the  kindred  races.  For 
a  long  time  they  did  not  establish  themselves  in  any 
permanent  residence,  but  continued  shifting  their 
quarters  to  different  parts  of  the  Mexican  valley, 
enduring  all  the  casualties  and  hardships  of  a  mi 
gratory  life.  On  one  occasion  they  were  enslaved  by 
a  more  powerful  tribe,  but  their  ferocity  soon  mado 
them  formidable  to  their  masters.  After  a  series  of 
wanderings  and  adventures  which  need  not  shrink 
from  comparison  with  the  most  extravagant  legends 
of  the  heroic  ages  of  antiquity,  they  at  length  halted 
on  the  south-western  borders  of  the  principal  lake,  in 
the  year  1325.  There  they  beheld,  perched  on  the 
stem  of  a  prickly  pear,  which  shot  out  from  the  crevice 
of  a  rock  that  was  washed  by  the  waves,  a  royal  eagle 
of  extraordinary  size  and  beauty,  with  a  serpent 
in  his  talons,  and  his  broad  wings  opened  to  the 
rising  sun.  They  hailed  the  auspicious  omen,  an 
nounced  by  an  oracle  as  indicating  the  site  of  their 
future  city,  and  laid  its  foundations  by  sinking  piles 


238  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

into  the  shallows,  for  the  low  marshes  were  half  buried 
under  water." 

Although  Prescott's  work  has  been  superseded  in 
some  respects  by  the  more  critical  investigations  of 
subsequent  years,  he  gives  substantially  a  brief  sum 
mary  of  the  traditions  divested  of  their  mythological 
colors.  Although  the  Toltecs  are  still  looked  upon 
by  some  scholars  in  the  same  light  as  represented  by 
preceding  historians — that  is,  as  a  distinct  and  real 
people  known  by  that  name — there  is  a  general  ten 
dency  to  the  opinion  that  there  was  no  distinct  tribe 
or  people  of  this  name,  but  that  it  refers  to  the  an 
cestors  of  some  one  or  more  of  the  Nahuatl  or  Maya 
tribes.  Dr.  Brinton  goes  so  far  as  to  deny  their  his 
torical  existence,  looking  upon  them  as  fabulous. 
"They  have,"  he  says,  "hovered  about  the  dawn  of 
American  history  long  enough.  ...  It  is  time 
they  were  assigned  their  proper  place,  and  that  is 
among  the  purely  fabulous  creations  of  the  imagina 
tion,  among  the  giants  and  fairies,  the  gnomes  and 
sylphs,  and  other  such  fancied  beings  which  in  all 
ages  and  nations  the  popular  mind  has  loved  to 
create." 

Although  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  much  that  has 
been  stated  in  regard  to  them  by  the  early  Spanish 
writers  is  pure  fable  or  mythology,  yet  the  conclusion 
reached  by  Dr.  Brinton  is  extreme  and  scarcely  justi 
fied  by  the  data,  as  there  were  beyond  doubt  people  who 
were  indicated  by  the  term  "Toltecs,"  people  who  did 
erect  some  of  the  works  ascribed  to  them,  people  who 
were  real  and  did  in  fact  exist. 

It  may  be  that  the  term  was  applied  originally  to  a 
community  or  tribe  somewhat  advanced  in  culture, 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  239 

and  afterward  used  to  designate  the  authors  of  monu 
ments  whose  builders  were  unknown.  It  is  quite 
probable  that  it  included  the  Mayas,  though  applied 
to  the  builders  of  works  in  central  Mexico,  without 
identifying  them  with  this  people.  In  other  words, 
the  term  stands  about  upon  the  same  basis  as  that 
of  "mound-builders,"  as  formerly  used  in  reference 
to  the  ancient  works  and  ancient  people  of  the  Missis 
sippi  valley.  The  latter,  when  thoroughly  probed, 
have  disappeared  from  view,  and  in  their  place  we 
have  the  ancestors  of  the  Indians  found  inhabiting 
the  country.  So  it  is  with  the  Toltecs  ;  when  thor 
oughly  probed,  they  fade  from  view  and  we  see  dimly 
some  primary  incoming  branch  of  the  Aztec  people, 
or  the  Maya  tribes  on  their  way  southward,  or  both. 
Clavigero,  in  his  "History  of  Mexico,"  although  ham 
pered  by  the  popular  notion,  attempts  to  consider 
them  honestly  and  candidly,  but  the  doubt  upon  his 
mind  is  apparent  throughout  the  history  given  by 
him.  After  disposing  of  them  as  usual  by  the  terrible 
calamities  which  befell  them,  he  closes  wTith  these 
words:  "These  imperfect  accounts  of  the  Toltecs 
are  all  we  think  proper  to  be  told  here,  omitting  many 
fabulous  relations  introduced  by  other  historians." 
They  come  upon  the  stage,  and,  having  performed 
their  role,  pass  off,  to  arise,  however,  phoenix-like, 
from  their  ashes  in  new  forms  and  under  new  names. 
When  they  disappear  suddenly,  the  Aztecs  are  brought 
upon  the  stage.  As  the  former,  though  so  cultured, 
disappear  without  any  remnants  of  a  language  dis 
tinct  from  that  of  their  successors,  it  seems  more 
rational  to  consider  the  two  people  as  one,  or  that 
they  had  passed  on  to  be  known  thereafter  as  Mayas. 


240  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

The  question  to  be  solved  in  regard  to  them  is, 
"Who  were  they?"  We  are  inclined,  as  will  be 
seen  further  on,  to  agree  with  Mr.  Bandelier  in 
identifying  them,  in  part,  with  the  ancestors  of  the 
Mayas. 

Desire  Charney  is  inclined  to  run  to  an  extreme  di 
rectly  opposite  to  that  reached  by  Dr.  Brinton.  Judg 
ing  by  his  last  work,  "The  Ancient  Cities  of  the  New 
World,"  he  is  disposed  to  see  in  every  ruin  of  southern 
Mexico  and  Central  America  which  shows  any  evi 
dence  of  advanced  culture  the  work  of  the  Toltecs. 

The  Chichimecas  are  no  longer  considered  a  dis 
tinct  people  or  tribe,  the  name  having  been  applied, 
as  is  supposed,  to  the  rude  and  uncultured  people  of 
central  Mexico.  Nevertheless,  it  is  possible,  notwith 
standing  this  general  conclusion  of  historians  and 
linguists,  that  the  term,  as  originally  applied,  had  a 
more  definite  meaning,  but  to  whom  it  was  limited,  if 
this  be  true,  can  not  be  determined. 

The  civilization  of  this  section  of  North  America 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  limited  by  tribal  or 
stock  boundaries,  but  seems  to  have  prevailed  through 
out  the  entire  region,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it 
was  occupied  by  some  seven  or  eight  different  stocks. 
It  is  true,  there  are  minor  differences  in  the  types  of 
the  different  districts  inhabited  by  the  different  fami 
lies,  but  there  is  such  a  general  similarity  as  to  con 
vince  the  student  that  it  is  one  civilization,  having 
one  origin,  developed  in  one  age  or  era,  and  that  the 
cultures  of  the  different  districts  are  not  parallel  civ 
ilizations  which  have  developed  side  by  side,  as  main 
tained  by  Mr.  Bancroft. 

As  evidence  of  this,  we  have  only  to  refer  to  the 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  241 

calendar  system  which  prevailed  throughout  the  en 
tire  region  embraced  in  this  section,  and  which  formed 
one  important  and  remarkable  item  of  their  civiliza 
tion.  This  is  of  such  a  peculiar  character  as  to  forbid 
the  idea  that  it  could  have  developed  independently  in 
different  districts.  It  is  known  to  have  been  in  use 
among  the  Nahuas  of  the  valley  of  Mexico,  and  other 
tribes  of  the  same  linguistic  family  resident  in  Mez- 
titlan,  Soconusco,  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua ;  that  it 
prevailed  among  the  Mixtecs  and  Zapotecs  ;  that  it 
was  in  vogue  among  the  Totoiiacas  of  the  state  of 
Vera  Cruz  ;  the  Pirindas,  Tarascos  and  the  Matlazin- 
cas  of  Michoacan ;  the  Chapanecs  of  Chiapas  and 
Nicaragua,  and  the  various  Mayan  tribes  in  Central 
America.  It  is  also  known  that  it  was  in  use  among 
the  builders  of  the  ruined  cities  of  Palenque,  Copan 
and  Tikal. 

Briefly  stated,  this  system  was  as  follows  :  The 
year  consisted  of  365  days,  divided  into  two  unequal 
parts,  viz.,  360  days,  or  the  year  proper  divided  into 
eighteen  months  of  twenty  days  each  ;  and  five  inter 
calated  days,  which  were  added  at  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  or  last  month,  to  complete  the  number 
365.  Each  of  the  twenty  days  of  the  month  had  its 
own  proper  name  ;  the  numbering,  however,  was  not 
from  1  to  20,  but  from  1  to  13,  beginning  again  with 
the  unit.  It  follows  from  this  method  that  a  day 
bearing  both  the  same  name  and  the  same  number  will 
not  recur  until  13  months  have  elapsed.  This  gives 
a  cycle  or  period  of  260  days,  which  appears  to  have 
been  more  in  use  as  a  ceremonial  or  religious  period 
than  the  secular  year  of  365  days.  The  days  were 
16 


242  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

also  indicated  by  symbols.  The  clay  symbols  in  use 
among  the  Mayas  are  shown  in  the  usual  form  and 
order  in  Fig.  80,  with  the  names  attached.  Those 


IX  AKbal  Kan        Chiccha 

Man.K         -Lamat         MuJuf          O: 


Edinab      cauit 


Fig.  80.    Maya  day  symbols.          Fig.  81.    Mexican  day  symbols. 

in  use  among  the  Mexicans  are  shown  in  Fig.  81. 
The  names  of  the  Mexican  days  in  their  proper  order 
are  : 

Cipactli. 

Ehecatl. 

Calli. 

Cuetzpallin. 


11 
12, 
13 
14, 


Ozomatli. 
Malinalli. 

Acatl. 
Ocelotl. 
Cohuatl.  15.   Quauhtli. 

6.  Miquiztli.  16.   Cozcaquauhtli. 

7.  Mazatl.  17.  Ollin. 

8.  Tochtli.  18.  Tecpatl. 

9.  Atl.  19.  Quiahiutl. 
10.  Itzcuintli.                         20.  Xochitl. 

As  given  in  the  figure  they  are  as  follows,  taking 
the  upper  line  from  left  to  right,  then  the  second  in 
the  same  way,  and  so  on  :  first  line,  Ehecatl,  Calli, 
Cuetzpallin,  Cohuatl ;  second  line,  Itzcuintli,  Ozomatli, 
Malinalli,  Acatl ;  third  line,  Tecpatl,  Quiahiutl, 
Xochitl,  Cipactli ;  fourth  line,  Miquiztli,  Mazatl, 
Tochtli,  Atl;  fifth  line,  Ocelotl,  Quauhtli,  Cozca 
quauhtli,  Ollin. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  248 

It  follows,  as  a  necessary  result  of  this  system,  that 
without  arbitrary  change  the  years  would  always  be 
gin  with  one  of  four  certain  days,  and  no  others, 
these  four  following  one  another  in  regular  order. 

There  were  other  peculiarities  of  this  system,  but 
what  has  been  mentioned  is  sufficient  to  convince  the 
reader  that  the  calendars  containing  these  peculiar 
ities,  though  found  in  use  among  the  tribes  of  different 
linguistic  stocks,  must  have  had  a  common  origin.  It 
is  also  sufficient  to  show  one  phase  of  the  civilization 
of  the  section  now  under  consideration. 

It  is  probable  the  calendar  system  grew  out  of  the 
method  of  enumeration  which  prevailed  among  the 
same  tribes.  The  numbers  from  1  to  11  had  distinct 
names  ;  from  12  to  19  the  count  was  by  additions  to 
10,  then  followed  20  with  a  distinct  name.  Above  20 
the  count  was  based  on  the  vigesimal  system,  20,  40, 
400  and  8000  being  the  multiples  used  as  counters. 
It  is  therefore  a  just  inference  that  the  calendar  sys 
tem  grew  out  of  the  numeral  system,  or  the  reverse. 

The  advance  in  agriculture  corresponded  in  some 
degree  to  the  progress  on  other  lines,  though  not  so 
great  as  in  some.  The  increase  in  population  and 
adoption  of  sedentary  habits,  the  lack  of  fish-supply 
ing  streams  and  lakes,  except  in  a  few  limited  locali 
ties,  and  the  diminution  of  game  and  lack  of  domestic 
animals,  made  it  necessary  to  depend  in  a  very  large 
degree  upon  the  products  of  the  soil  for  subsistence. 
Maize,  as  among  other  aborigines  of  the  continent, 
was  the  chief  product  and  the  chief  reliance  for  food. 
Although  the  method  of  cultivation  was  compara 
tively  rude,  the  people  had  learned  the  necessity  of 
keeping  the  fields,  which  were  usually  small  and  scat- 


244  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tered,  free  from  weeds,  and  of  cultivating  the  crop. 
In  the  most  advanced  sections  the  fields  were  sur 
rounded  by  hedges,  ditches  or  fences,  and  irrigation 
was  resorted  to  in  dry  seasons  where  practicable. 
The  cultivation  of  cacao ;  maguey  (aloe) ,  cotton, 
beans,  pepper  and  certain  native  fruits  was  also  car 
ried  on  extensively.  This  labor  was  deemed  honor 
able,  and  in  most  tribes  all  except  the  soldiers,  nobles 
and  priests  were  employed  in  it ;  even  the  inhabitants 
of  the  cities  were  engaged  to  some  extent  in  cultiva 
ting  the  soil.  The  work  was,  at  least  in  some  sections, 
chiefly  done  by  the  men.  Bees  were  domesticated, 
from  which  both  honey  for  consumption  and  wax  for 
use  in  various  arts  were  collected. 

It  is  probable  that  the  Nahuatl  tribes  had  made 
greatest  progress  in  the  mechanical  arts,  excepting 
those  relating  to  architecture.  If  the  statements 
made  by  early  writers,  and  repeated  even  to  the  pres 
ent  day,  be  accepted  (though  caution  in  this  respect  is 
suggested) ,  the  Mexicans  may  be  said  to  have  reached 
the  age  of  bronze.  Many  weapons,  utensils  and  imple 
ments  were,  it  is  said,  manufacture^  of  this  alloy  of  cop 
per  and  tin.  Gold,  silver,  lead  and  copper  were  worked 
by  founding  and  smelting  into  various  articles  of  use  or 
ornament.  It  is  even  affirmed  that  they  could  mix  the 
metals  in  such  a  manner  that  the  feathers  of  a  bird  or 
the  scales  of  a  fish,  in  their  imitative  objects,  would  be 
alternately  of  gold  and  silver.  But  it  must  be  said  that 
none  of  the  objects  showing  this  wonderful  skill  have 
been  preserved  as  witnesses  to  the  truth  of  the  very 
doubtful  statement.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  admitted, 
as  shown  by  a  study  of  the  articles  of  gold  and  other 
metals  of  the  province  of  Chiriqui,  on  the  Isthmus, 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  245 

that  some  of  the  ancient  people  of  this  southern  re 
gion  had  discovered  the  art  of  casting  metals  in 
molds.  It  is  in  this  southern  region  that  the  ceramic 
art  appears  to  have  reached  its  most  advanced  stage. 
However,  that  pottery  was  manufactured  to  a  very 
large  extent  by  the  early  inhabitants  of  southern 
Mexico,  is  shown  by  the  vast  number  of  sherds  and 
broken  vessels  found  about  the  ruins  of  Teotihuacan, 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  at  other 
points. 

That  the  ancient  people  of  this  region  had  made 
considerable  advance  in  the  art  of  sculpture,  covering 
a  wide  range  of  subjects,  illustrating  various  styles  of 
treatment  and  methods  of  execution,  is  shown  by  the 
numerous  articles  found  among  the  ruins.  Among 
the  more  important  classes  of  subjects  independently 
sculptured  are  the  human  figure  entire,  often  of  colos 
sal  size  and  profusely  ornamented,  animal  forms,  and 
compound  and  fanciful  life-forms  of  endless  varieties  ; 
these  subjects  are  also  embodied  in  cylinders,  disks, 
masks,  tablets,  boxes,  vases  and  ornaments.  The 
number  of  sculptured  objects  in  this  section,  includ 
ing  those  destroyed,  those  hidden  in  the  soil,  and  yet 
buried  beneath  the  ruins,  and  those  which  have  been 
discovered,  must  have  been  very  great.  Painting  was 
another  art  in  which  the  aborigines  of  this  region  had 
made  remarkable  progress.  This  is  shown,  not  only 
by  the  few  remaining  pre-Columbian  Maya  and  Mexi 
can  manuscripts,  but  also  by  the  numerous  partially 
obliterated  designs  on  the  walls  of  crumbling  edifices. 
It  seems  to  have  been  a  common  practice  in  some  sec 
tions  to  finish  certain  important  surfaces,  such  as 
lintels,  door-jambs,  etc.,  in  elaborate  designs,  consist- 


246  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

ing  chiefly  of  life-forms  more  or  less  conventionally 
treated.  They  seem  also  to  have  taken  delight  in 
feather-work,  which  was  carried,  in  some  of  the  tribes, 
to  the  highest  degree  of  perfection. 

Some  of  the  tribes,  especially  of  the  Nahuatlan 
and  Mayan  groups,  had  made  a  somewhat  close  ap 
proach  in  their  symbolic  or  picture  writing  to  true 
phonetic  characters. 

As  we  can  not  properly  illustrate  the  Mexican 
hieroglyphs  or  symbols  without  the  introduction  of 
colored  drawings  on  a  scale  too  large  for  our  page, 

brief  reference  will  be 
made  only  to  the 
Maya  hieroglyphs. 

The  example  shown 
in  Fig.  82  is  part  of 
the  inscription  on  the 
right  slab  of  the  Tablet 
of  the  Cross,  at  Palen- 
que.  Notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  but  few 
of  the  characters  have 
been  determined,  the 
direction  in  which  the 
inscription  is  to  be 
read  is  known.  It  be 
gins  with  the  large 

Fig.  82.     Part  of  the  inscription  of  the  ^°l    in   ^   UPPer 
Tablet  of  the  Cross,  Palenque.  left-hand  corner  of  the 

left  slab.     This  covers 

the  space  of  four  symbols  of  the  ordinary  size.  Each 
of  the  following  seven,  reading  downward,  covers  two 
spaces,  the  whole  being  counted  as  two  columns.  The 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  247 

third  and  fourth  columns,  in  which  the  characters  are 
separate,  are  read  from  left  to  right,  two  and  two,  or  by 
pairs,  from  the  top  downward,  and  the  fifth  and  sixth 
columns  follow  in  the  same  order.  The  six  columns 
of  the  right  slab,  the  lower  half  of  which  is  shown  in 
the  cut,  are  to  be  read  in  the  same  order. 

Although  the  characters  shown  in  the  cut  are  too 
imperfect  for  critical  study,  a  few  can  be  determined 
and  one  or  two  important  facts  ascertained.  For  in 
stance,  it  is  known  that  the  balls  or  large  dots  and 
short  lines,  mostly  vertical,  at  the  left  of  the  charac 
ters,  are  numerals,  each  ball  counting  1  and  each  line 
5,  thus  one  ball  and  one  line  6  ;  three  balls  and  two 
lines  13,  etc.  The  top  symbol  of  the  left  column  in 
the  cut  is  an  oval  containing  a  kind  of  cross  and  four 
clots,  and  stands  for  the  Maya  day  Lamat.  The  two 
lines  and  ball  at  the  left  denote  11.  This  is  therefore 
the  day  11  Lamat.  The  character  immediately  to  the 
right — top  of  second  column — signifies  the  6th  day  of 
the  month  Xul.  This  falls  on  the  6th  day  of  the  6th 
month  of  the  year  10  Akbal,  from  which  fact  it  is  evi 
dent  that  the  Tzental  method  of  arranging  the  days 
of  the  month,  which  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Dresden 
Codex,  was  followed  here. 

The  bottom  symbol  of  the  second  column  is  8  Ahau, 
that  immediately  to  the  right — bottom  of  the  third 
column — is  the  day  5  Kan. 

This  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  advance,  though  but 
little,  made  toward  a  solution  of  this  inscription  with 
the  knowledge  so  far  obtained  of  the  symbols.  It  may 
be  added  that,  besides  the  day  symbols,  the  signification 
of  several  other  characters  denoting  time  periods  has 
been  determined,  quite  recently.  These  discoveries 


248  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

will,  as  the  author  has  proved,  suffice  to  explain  a 
considerable  part  of  the  inscriptions. 

It  is  evident  that  the  advance  made  by  the  Mayas 
toward  true  alphabetic  writing  was  beyond  that  of 
mere  conventionalized  symbols,  though  they  had  not 
reached  the  alphabetic  stage.  That  they  had  reached 
that  stage  where  symbols  were  used  to  represent,  to  a 
certain  degree,  syllabic  sounds,  appears  to  be  demon 
strable.  So  far  as  can  be  judged  by  what  has  been 
ascertained,  the  manuscripts  which  have  been  pre 
served,  are,  to  a  large  extent,  religious  calendars  re 
lating  to  religious  ceremonies,  observances  in  domestic- 
pursuits,  etc. 

The  form  of  government  differed  somewhat  in  the 
different  tribes.  The  most  advanced  type  was  that  of 
the  Aztecs  and  Tezcucans,  which  may,  perhaps,  with 
out  exaggeration,  be  termed  a  well  regulated  mon 
archy.  Descent  was  in  the  male  line,  the  title  passing 
from  father  to  son,  but  not  without  certain  conditions 
and  limitations,  as  it  seems  that  certain  nobles  or 
men  of  authority  had  the  right  to  decide  which  of  two 
or  more  brothers  or  nephews,  where  there  was  no  son, 
should  succeed  to  the  sovereignty.  In  other  words, 
the  government  was  to  this  extent  an  elective  mon 
archy.  The  election,  however,  was  restricted  to  the 
family  of  the  deceased  monarch,  but  females  were 
excluded. 

In  Yucatan  the  people  were  split  into  a  number  of 
independent  states  or  tribes,  each  governed  by  its  own 
chieftain.  According  to  tradition,  and  it  seems  quite 
probable,  these  independent  bodies,  all  speaking  the 
same  language,  were  the  fragments  of  a  powerful 
confederacy  which  had  been  broken  up  through  dis- 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  249 

sensions,  about  a  century  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  chieftaincy  was  hereditary,  descent 
being  in  the  male  line.  The  real  power,  however,  here, 
among  the  Mexicans,  the  Zapotecs,  and  apparently 
all  the  nations  of  the  section,  was  in  the  priesthood, 
though  nominally  in  the  hands  of  the  chief  or  sover 
eign,  it  was  mostly  exercised  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  and  direction  of  the  priests. 

The  art,  however,  in  which  the  people  of  this  sec 
tion  excelled  and  in  which  their  advance  in  the 
scale  of  civilization  is  most  apparent,  was  architect 
ure.  To-day,  the  chief  reminder  of  the  cultured 
past  of  the  people  of  this  region  is  found  in  the 
crumbling  remain-s  of  their  architecture,  the  ruins  of 
temples,  towers  and  other  stately  edifices. 

Although  we  shall  reserve  our  comments  to  be  added 
as  we  proceed  with  the  descriptions  of  some  of  the 
most  noted  examples  of  the  different  types  of  struct 
ures,  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  the  Mayan 
structures  of  Yucatan  may  be  of  advantage  to  the 
reader  in  drawing  his  own  conclusion  as  to  the  struct- 

O 

ures  mentioned. 

"Some  of  the  buildings  are  composite  and  show 
successive  accretions  or  periods  of  growth,  and  this  is 
true  to  a  large  extent  of  the  greater  buildings  of  most 
nations,  but  there  are  others  that  stand  as  perfect 
units  of  design,  in  which  the  conception  must  have 
been  complete  in  every  detail  when  the  construction 
began,  a  master  mind  controlling  the  cutting  and 
the  placing  of  every  stone.  There  may  have  been 
working  drawings — and  the  people  were  certainly 
equal  to  the  task  of  making  them — but  if  there  were 
none,  the  carrying  out  of  the  w^ork  without  them  must 


250  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

be  regarded  as  even  more  remarkable.  The  construc 
tion  of  such  buildings  as  the  palace  at  Uxmal  and 
the  Castillo  at  Chichen,  indicates  a  mastery  in  archi 
tectural  design  well  calculated  to  astonish  the  student 
of  the  half-crystallized  culture  of  the  American 
races  in  general.  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that 
when  the  work  of  building  began  in  such  cases,  the 
ground-plan,  elevation  and  constructive  design  were 
fully  worked  out,  and  the  spacings  and  doorways, 
moldings  and  panels  and  all  details  of  sculptured  deco 
ration  were  fully  decided  upon ;  and  I  should  say 
that  even  details  of  the  stone  cutting,  the  number, 
width  and  angle  of  courses  of  masonry,  were  predeter 
mined,  as  otherwise,  with  the  complexity  of  form  and 
the  infinity  of  geometric  detail  characterizing  the  fa- 
pades,  utter  confusion  must  have  resulted."  (Holmes.) 
We  also  ask  the  reader  to  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that 
the  builders  were  without  beasts  of  burden,  wheeled 
vehicles,  or  metal  tools — with  the  exception  possibly 
of  .a  few  bronze  implements  among  some  of  the 
Nahuatl  tribes — which  could  have  been  used  in  their 
work. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  251 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MONUMENTS    OF    SOUTHERN    MEXICO. 

Following  the  plan  which  has  been  adopted  in  the 
preceding  chapters  relating  to  the  Pacific  division,  the 
order  geographically  in  which  the  ruins  will  be  men 
tioned  will  be  from  the  north  toward  the  south,  the 
probable  direction,  as  will  hereafter  be  shown,  of  the 
chief  movements  of  population  in  prehistoric  times. 

It  is  probable,  notwithstanding  Bancroft's  state 
ments  in  regard  to  the  types  of  ruins  known  as  "Los 
Edificios,"  at  Quemada  in  the  state  of  Zacatecas,  that 
these,  and  possibly  others  north  of  his  limiting  line 
mentioned  above,  should  be  classed  with  those  in  the 
southern  section  or  area  of  civilization. 

These  ruins,  which  are  the  most  noted  of  the  north 
ern  area,  are  located  about  thirty  miles  south  of  the 
capital  of  Zacatecas,  and  six  miles  north  of  Villa- 
nueva.  The  name  Quemada  ("burnt")  is  that  of  a 
hacienda  about  a  league  to  the  south-west  of  the  ruins. 
The  latter  are  known  locally  as  Los  Edificios.  The 
first  notice  of  the  place  is  found  in  a  history  of  Nueva 
Galicia  written  by  Fr.  Tello  about  1650.  He  states 
that  the  Spaniards  under  Captain  Chirinos,  "found  a 
great  city  in  ruins  and  abandoned  ;  but  it  was  known 
to  have  had  most  sumptuous  edifices,  with  grand 
streets  and  plazas  well  arranged,  and  within  a  quarter 
of  a  league  four  towers  with  causeways  of  stone 


252  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

leading  from  one  to  another."  As  the  ruined  city  he 
refers  to  was  in  the  region  of  the  modern  town,  Jerez, 
it  may  with  little  doubt  be  identified  with  Quemada. 

The  ruins  are  situated  on  a  narrow,  isolated  hill, 
the  summit  of  which  forms  an  irregular  plateau  over 
half  a  mile  in  length  and  from  two  to  five  hundred 
yards  in  width.  All  the  accessible  points  of  the  brow 
of  the  hill  are  guarded  by  stone  walls.  The  interior 
surface,  where  uneven,  is  formed  into  terraces  sup 
ported  by  w^alls  of  solid  masonry.  These  terraces  or 
platforms  supported  numerous  edifices.  On  the  lower 
part  of  the  mesa  is  a  quadrangular  space,  200  by  240 
feet,  depressed  about  four  or  five  feet  below  the  sur 
rounding  surface  and  bounded  by  a  stone  terrace  or 
embankment.  At  one  point  on  the  eastern  terrace 
stands  a  round  pillar  six  feet  in  diameter  and  eighteen 
feet  high,  and  there  are  traces  here  of  nine  others. 

Adjoining  this  inclosure  is  another  quadrangular 
space  similar  in  character,  100  by  140  feet,  in  which 
there  are  eleven  pillars,  a  little  less  in  diameter  but  of 
the  same  height  as  those  above  mentioned,  which  are 
supposed  to  have  sustained  a  roof  over  the  area. 
It  is  stated  that  Nebel  found  in  the  ruins  a  roof  thus 
supported,  made  of  large  flat  stones  covered  with 
mortar  and  sustained  by  beams. 

Of  the  extensive  group  on  the  platform  of  the 
south-western  base  of  the  central  height,  only  a  por 
tion  has  been  definitely  described.  Here  is  a  de 
pressed  inclosure  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  square, 
bounded  by  a  terrace  wall  three  feet  high  and  twelve 
feet  wide,  with  steps  up  the  middle  of  each  side. 
Back  of  the  terrace,  on  three  sides,  are  walls  eight  or 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico.  253 

nine  feet  thick  and  twenty  feet  high,  the  north  side 
being  guarded  by  the  steep  side  of  the  cliff.  In  the 
interior,  near  the  north  side,  is  a  pyramid  about 
thirty-six  feet  square  and  nineteen  feet  high,  built  in 
five  or  six  successive  stages  or  steps  (Fig.  83) .  In 


Fig.  83.    Pyramid  at  Los  Edifices,  Mexico. 

the  center  of  the  inclosure  is  a  kind  of  altar  or  pyra 
mid  seven  feet  square  and  five  feet  high.  The  ma 
terial  of  the  works  is  chiefly  gray  porphyry.  The 
stones,  which  are  thin  slabs  not  more  than  three  or 
four  inches  thick,  and  not  dressed,  are  laid  in  a  mor 
tar  of  reddish  clay  mixed  with  straw  or  grass. 

As  yet,  no  sculptures,  hieroglyphics,  pictographs, 
or  architectural  decorations  have  been  found  in  these 
ruins,  and,  contrary  to  what  would  be  expected,  pot 
tery,  whole  and  in  fragments,  stone  implements  and 
burial  deposits  are  entirely  wanting. 

Notwithstanding  Bancroft's  statement  that  the  ruins 
of  Quemada  "show  but  few  analogies  to  any  of  the 
southern  remains,"  the  reverse  appears  to  be  true, 
and  we  may  add  here  that  the  importance  of  these 
ruins  in  the  study  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  native 
Mexican  and  Central  American  civilization  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  fully  appreciated  by  authors 
touching  upon  the  subject.  Unfortunately,  accurate 


254  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

ground  plans  of  the  individual  structures  are  want 
ing,  but  we  see  here  the  depressed  quadrangular 
courts  as  at  Palenque,  Copan  and  elsewhere  in  the 
south ;  and  the  interior  supporting  columns  as  at 
Mitla  and  Teotihuacan.  We  also  see  here  the  inter 
mediate  terraced  walls,  as  found  in  the  south  ;  and 
here,  also,  the  pyramid  assumes,  though  in  embryo, 
the  form  common  in  southern  Mexico  and  Central 
America.  It  is  true  that  stone  replaces  to  a  large  ex 
tent  the  adobe  of  the  more  northern  structures,  as  at 
Casas  Grandes  and  Casa  Grande,  but  the  thin,  un 
dressed  slabs  laid  in  mortar  of  clay  and  straw  do  not 
show  a  very  great  advance  in  masonry  on  that  of  the 
cliff-dwellings  and  pueblos.  Nevertheless,  the  plan, 
extent  and  massive  features  of  the  ruins  indicate  an 
advance  in  culture.  Notwithstanding  his  somewhat 
unfavorable  comment,  Bancroft  makes  the  following 
admission  : 

"As  a  strongly  fortified  hill,  bearing  also  temples, 
Quemada  bears  considerable  resemblance  to  Quiotepec 
in  Oajaca;  and  possibly  the  likeness  would  be  still 
stronger  11  a  plan  of  the  Quiotepec  fortifications  were 
extant.  The  massive  character,,  number  and  extent 
of  the  monuments  show  the  builders  to  have  been  a 
powerful,  and,  in  some  respects,  an  advanced  people, 
hardly  less  so,  it  would  seem  at  first  thought,  than 
the  peoples  of  Central  America ;  but  the  absence  of 
narrow  buildings  covered  by  arches  of  overlapping 
stones,  and  of  all  decorative  sculpture  and  painting, 
make  the  contrast  very  striking.  The  pyramids,  so 
lar  as  they  are  described,  do  not  differ  very  materially 
jrom  some  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  but  the  loca- 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico.  25 a 

tion  of  the  pyramids  shown  in  the  drawing  and  plan 
within  the  inclosed  and  terraced  squares,  seems 
unique.  The  pillars  recall  the  roof  structures  of 
Mitla,  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  pillars  at 
Quemada  supported  balconies  instead  of  roofs  ;  indeed, 
it  seems  improbable  that  these  large  squares  were 
ever  entirely  covered." 

It  is  true,  as  indicated  in  this  extract,  that  the  tri 
angular  arch,  so  common  in  the  ruins  at  Palenque 
and  elsewhere  in  Mayan  territory,  had  not,  as  yet, 
come  into  use,  or  was  unknown  to  the  builders  of 
"Los  Edificios."  But  these  structures  are  not  unique 
in  this  respect,  as  will  appear  further  on. 

Interesting  antiquities,  some  of  them  rivaling  those 
at  Quemada,  have  been  discovered  in  Michoacan, 
Colima  and  elsewhere  in  central  Mexico  ;  cave-dwell 
ings,  pyramids  of  stone  laid  in  clay  mortar,  temples 
and  idols  are  reported ;  but  the  accounts  are  either 
insufficient  to  convey  an  intelligent  idea  of  the  ruins 
or  unreliable. 

Approaching  the  valley  of  Anahuac  from  the  north, 
at  the  distance  of  some  fifty  or  sixty  miles  from  the 
City  of  Mexico,  we  come  upon  the  small  and  unim 
portant  town  of  Tula.  Tula,  Tulla,  Tulan,  Tolan  or 
Tollan,  as  it  is  variously  written,  is,  however,  a  name 
that  is  often  repeated  in  the  traditions  and  history  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America.  It  was  here,  according 
to  the  long-current  opinion,  that  the  Toltecs,  coming 
from  the  north,  fixed  their  capital,  in  the  sixth  cen 
tury,  A.  D. 

The  ancient  city  appears  to  have  extended  over  a 
plain  intersected  by  a  muddy  river  which  winds 


256 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


around  the  base  of  Mount  Coatepetl,  but  a  small  por 
tion  of  which  is  occupied  by  the  modern  town.  The 
comparatively  few  antiquities  which  have  been  ob 
tained  from  the  immediate  site  have  been  found  in 
clearing  the  river  of  some  of  its  mud,  or  whilst  plow 
ing  the  adjacent  fields.  Among  these  are  the  frag 
ments  of  three  caryatides  or  sculptured  columns,  one 
of  which  is  of  black  basalt 
and  of  giant  proportions. 
This,  which  is  seven  feet 
high,  represents  only  the 
legs  ;  the  body  and  upper  por 
tions  are  wanting,  possibly 
were  never  present.  This 
may  have  been  a  double 
column  with  an  expansion  at 
the  base  in  the  form  of  feet. 
The  legs  (or  columns)  are 
each  one  foot  and  three  inches 
in  diameter,  and  the  feet  four 
feet  long. 

Parts  of  another  column 
have  been  discovered  here 
which  present  the  unusual 
feature  of  having  the  pieces 
connected  by  joint  and  tenon. 
The  sculpturing  is  clearly  in 
tended  to  give  the  column  the 
appearance  of  the  serpent's 
body.  (Fig.  84,  which  shows 
the  parts  united  and  the  whole 
theoretically  in  position.)  According  to  Sahaguii,  there 


Sculptured  column, 
Tula. 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico.  257 

were,  at  his  early  day,  among  the  ruins  of  Tula, 
those  of  an  unfinished  temple  called  Quetzali,  con 
sisting  of  pillars  in  the  shape  of  serpents,  the  heads 
forming  the  base.  The  latter  feature,  as  will  be  here 
after  seen,  appears  again  in  the  ruins  of  Chichen- 
Itza,  and  is  supposed  to  be  indicative  of  the  worship 
of  Quetzalcoatl  or  his  Mayan  equivalent,  Cukulcan. 
Desire  Charn^y,  during  his  explorations  of  some 
tumuli  on  a  neighboring  hill,  laid  bare  the  founda 
tions  of  two  ancient  dwellings.  One  of  these  con 
sisted  of  twenty-four  rooms,  two  cisterns,  twelve  cor 
ridors  and  fifteen  little  stairways.  It  seems  that  the 
floors  of  the  rooms  were  mostly  on  different  levels. 
The  entire  plateau  of  this  hill,  which  is  of  consid 
erable  extent,  was  found  to  be  covered  with  ruins 
of  buildings,  pyramids  and  other  structures. 

According  to  the  author  last  quoted,  the  inner  walls 
were  coated  with  mud  and  mortar  and  in  some  cases 
stucco,  while  the  outer  walls  were  faced  with  large 
baked  bricks  and  cut  stone  ;  the  stairways  were  of 
brick  and  stone.  It  is  supposed  from  the  indications 
that  the  roofs  were  of  wood  and  flat.  Here  and  there 
closed  up  passages,  walls  rebuilt  with  materials  other 
than  those  employed  in  the  other  construction,  are 
taken  as  evidence  that  the  place  was  occupied  at  two 
different  periods,  and  possibly  by  two  different  peoples 
or  tribes.  According  to  Veytia,  "On  the  Chichimecs 
invading  the  country  under  the  command  of  Xolotl, 
they  found  Tula  deserted,  and  grass  growing  in  the 
streets,  but  the  king  was  so  pleased  with  the  site  that 
he  ordered  the  monuments  to  be  repaired  and  the 
town  inhabited.  He  followed  the  same  policy  at 
IT 


258 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  259 

Teotihuacan  and  other  places,  ordering  his  people  to 
preserve  old  names,  and  only  authorizing  them  to 
give  new  appellations  to  those  they  should  build  them 
selves." 

Continuing  our  course  southward  we  reach  the  city 
of  Teotihuacan  ("City  of  the  Gods") ,  about  twenty-five 
miles  north-east  of  Mexico.  The  ruins  here,  on  account 
of  their  proximity  to  the  capital,  have  been  often 
visited  by  antiquaries  and  travelers  and  have  been 
repeatedly  and  somewhat  thoroughly  described.  Ac 
cording  to  the  most  recent  description,  in  the  magni 
tude  of  its  remains  and  the  evidence  the  site  furnishes 
of  population  and  antiquity,  Teotihuacan  stands  easily 
at  the  head  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Mexico.  It  lacks 
the  well-preserved  sculpture-decorated  buildings  found 
elsewhere  in  Mexico  and  Central  America,  but  this  is 
doubtless  due  to  the  rarity  of  suitable  building  stone 
in  this  part  of  the  valley.  Cholula  has  a  greater 
pyramid  but  lacks  the  multiplicity  of  attendant  struct 
ures  which  here  cover  square  miles  of  ground.  The 
prominent  features  are  the  two  great  pyramids,  that 
of  the  Sun,  that  of  the  Moon,  and  the  Camino  de  los 
Muertos  ("Pathway  of  the  Dead"). 

A  view  of  the  principal  ruins,  from  the  Pyramid  of 
the  Moon,  is  shown  in  Fig.  85.  The  Pyramid  of  the  Sun 
and  the  Citadel  are  seen  in  the  background,  and  the 
Pathway  of  the  Dead  at  the  right.  The  Pyramid  of  the 
Sun  is  one  of  the  most  massive  remains  on  the  conti 
nent.  With  a  square  base,  measuring  between  680 
and  700  feet  on  a  side,  it  towers  upward  to  the  height 
of  180  feet,  with  a  level  summit  of  about  100  feet 
square.  There  were  three  terraces,  each  betweer 


260  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

twenty  and  thirty  feet  wide,  thus  dividing  it  into  four 
stories.  Although  remains  of  a  zigzag  stairway  are 
said  to  have  been  observed  on  the  east  face,  it  is  prob 
able  the  real  stairway  was  on  the  west  side,  thus  giv 
ing  a  more  direct  ascent  to  the  temple  which  tradition 
affirms  crowned  the  summit,  inclosing  a  colossal  statue 
of  the  sun  made  of  a  single  block  of  stone  of  which, 
however,  no  remains  are  at  present  to  be  seen. 

The  Pyramid  of  the  Moon,  though  of  less  gigantic 
proportions  than  that  of  the  Sun,  measures  between 
450  and  500  feet  at  the  base  and  is  of  proportional 
height.  An  important  feature  of  the  ancient  city  was 
the  great  court,  some  600  or  700  feet  square,  lying  at 
the  south  base  of  the  Pyramid  of  the  Moon  and  open 
ing  into  the  "Pathway  of  the  Dead."  The  latter,  a 
depressed  way  varying  from  200  to  300  feet  in  width, 
extends  southward  a  distance  of  over  two  miles,  and 
is  flanked  on  either  side  by  an  almost  unbroken  series 
of  mounds  and  terraces  ranging  in  height  from  ten  to 
thirty  feet.  As  it  crosses  the  Arroyo  of  the  San  Juan, 
this  must  have  been  spanned  in  the  time  of  occupancy 
by  a  bridge.  The  Citadel  is  a  quadrangular  inclosure 
1350  by  1400  feet,  the  surrounding  embankment 
varying  in  width  from  100  to  180  feet  and  in  height 
from  ten  to  twenty  feet.  Each  of  the  four  lines  of 
this  embankment  is  surmounted  by  a  series  of  four 
small  mounds. 

All  classes  of  structure  were  built  of  irregular 
masses  and  fragments  of  lava  and  of  adobe,  the  earth 
of  the  plains  more  or  less  intermingled  with  com 
minuted  volcanic  materials.  Facings  of  important 
surfaces  were  sometimes  of  selected  stone.  "Hewn 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  1*61 

stone,"  says  Mr.   Holmes,  "was  little  used,  and  the 

laying  of  regular  courses  in  mortar  was  not  common." 

It   is   supposed   that    the 

roofs    were     flat    and    If  JL±  J 

formed  of  wooden  beams.     F 

AVhere  the  chambers  were    j 

large,      masonry     pillars    j 

were  built  up  to   support 

Fig.  86.    Ground  plan  of  Teotihua- 
the  beams.    These  pillars,  can  building. 

as  exposed  by  Charney's 

exploration,  were  mostly  square.  The  ground  plan 
of  the  edifice  unearthed  by  Charney,  according  to  Mr. 
Holmes,  is  shown  in  Fig.  86. 

The  types  and  character  of  these  ruins  appear  to 
indicate  that  they  are  to  be  considered  pre-Aztecan — 
the  work  of  a  different  and  earlier  people  than  the 
Aztecs.  Mr.  Bandelier  says  :  "That  the  pyramids  of 
Teotihuacan  date  from  a  period  anterior  to  that  of  the 
Mexicans,  or  Nahuatl  in  general,  results  from  the  fact 
that  no  striking  mention  is  made  of  them  in  connection 
with  the  specifically  Mexican  traditions.  The  place 
in  the  two  centuries  which  preceded  the  conquest  does 
not  play  a  part  corresponding  to  the  magnitude  of  its 
ruins.  This  shows  that  the  edifices  were  already 
abandoned  at  the  time  of  the  conquest."  They  are 
usually  attributed  by  early  authorities  to  the  so-called 
Toltecs.  Mr.  Holmes  says:  "It  is  clear  that  the 
people,  whatsoever  their  period  or  affinities,  were  in 
telligent,  enterprising  and  powerful,  and  that  their 
sway  extended  over  a  long  period  of  years.  The  art 
remains  indicate  a  culture  differing  decidedly  from 
that  of  Tenochtitlan — the  Aztec  capital,  now  the  City 


262  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

of  Mexico — differing  in  so  many  ways  as  to  warrant 
the  inference  of  a  distinct  nation ;  but,  at  the  same 
time,  the  analogies  are  so  close  and  numerous  that 
•jhe  two  peoples,  if  not  of  the  same  stock,  must  have 
been  closely  associated  for  a  great  number  of  years." 

An  enthusiastic  writer,  speaking  of  these  ruins, 
says  : 

1 '  If  by  an  effort  of  the  imagination  we  were  to  try 
and  reconstruct  this  dead  city,  restore  her  dwellings, 
her  temples  and  pyramids,  coated  with  pink  and 
white  outer  coatings,  surrounded  by  verdant  gardens, 
intersected  by  beautiful  roads  paved  with  red  cement, 
the  whole  bathed  in  a  flood  of  sunshine,  we  should 
realize  the  vivid  description  given  by  Torquemada : 
'All  the  temples  and  palaces  were  perfectly  built, 
whitewashed  and  polished  outside,  so  that  it  gave  one 
a  real  pleasure  to  view  them  from  a  little  distance. 
All  the  streets  and  squares  were  beautifully  paved, 
and  they  looked  so  daintily  clean  as  to  make  you  al 
most  doubt  their  being  the  work  of  human  hands, 
destined  for  human  feet ;  nor  am  I  drawing  an  imag 
inary  picture,  for  besides  what  I  have  been  told,  I 
myself  have  seen  ruins  of  temples,  with  noble  trees 
ana  beautiful  gardens  full  of  fragrant  flowers,  which 
were  grown  for  the  service  of  the  temples.'  ' 

This,  says  Charney,  from  whom  we  quote,  goes  fai 
to  prove  that  the  ruins  are  not  so  ancient  as  some 
writers  maintain.  Nevertheless,  that  the  original 
plan  and  structures  are  to  be  attributed  to  other  people 
than  the  Aztecs,  is  generally  conceded ;  and  that  the 
place  was  in  ruins  when  Torquemada  visited  it,  i-> 
clear  from  his  statement. 


Mexican  Section — Civilization.  263 

Fragments  of  pottery  in  great  abundance,  obsidian 
flakes,  stone  axes,  etc.,  are  scattered  about  the  ruins; 
sculptured  ornamentation  is  somewhat  rare,  but  a 
massive  stone  idol  complete  and  fragments  of  one  or 
two  more,  also  some  other  sculptured  monoliths,  have 
been  found. 


264  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

MONUMENTS    OF    SOUTHERN    MEXICO CONTINUED. 

Having  now  entered  the  civilized  region,  where 
ruins  are  scattered  here  and  there  over  the  country, 
we  can  only  notice  a  few  of  the  more  important,  and 
refer  the  reader  who  wishes  to  learn  more  of  the  de 
tails  to  the  various  works  in  which  these  are  recorded. 
As  the  temples  and  palaces  of  Tenochtitlan,  the  cap 
ital  of  the  Aztecs  and  the  site  of  the  present  City  of 
Mexico,  remain  only  in  the  descriptions  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors,  and  as  the  two  or  three  horrid  images 
and  the  supposed  calendar  and  sacrificial  stones 
which  have  been  found  have  been  often  figured  in 
published  works  and  are  probably  familiar  to  most 
readers,  we  pass  on  to  other  points. 

The  ruins  at  Xochicalco  ("Hill  of  Flowers") ,  about 
seventy-five  miles  south-west  of  Mexico,  and  fifteen 
miles  south-west  of  Cuernavaca,  are  in  some  respects 
the  most  singular  and  include  perhaps  the  finest 
monuments  of  the  state.  In  the  center  of  the  plain 
rises  an  oval  hill,  about  two  miles  in  circumference 
and  from  three  hundred  to  four  hundred  feet  high. 
Two  tunnels  (or  galleries)  enter  the  side  of  the  hill 
on  the  north,  one  of  which  has  been  traced  to  a  depth 
of  a  little  over  eighty  feet.  The  second,  between 
nine  and  ten  feet  high,  pierces  the  solid  limestone  of 
the  hill,  and  has  several  branches  running  in  different 
directions,  some  of  them  terminating  in  fallen  debris, 
others  apparently  walled  up  intentionally.  The  floors 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico. 


265 


are  paved  to  a  thickness  of  eighteen  inches  with  brick- 
shaped  blocks  of  stone,  and  the  sides  are  strengthened 
with  walls  of  masonry  w^herever  necessary.  Both 
pavement  and  walls,  as  well  as  the  ceiling,  are  cov 
ered  with  lime  cement,  which  still  retains  evidence  of 
having  been  painted  with  red  ochre.  The  principal 
gallery,  after  turning  once  at  right  angles,  terminates 
at  a  distance  of  several  hundred  feet  in  a  large  apart 
ment  about  eighty  feet  long,  in  which  two  circular 
pillars  are  left  of  the  original  rock  to  serve  as  sup 
ports  for  the  roof. 

From  one  corner  of  the  room  opens  a  little  rotunda, 
six  feet  in  diameter,  excavated,  as  the  room  itself,  in 
the  rock,  the  dome  of  which  is  in  the  form  of  a 
pointed  arch.  The  outside  of  the  hill  is  formed  into 
five  successive  terraces,  supported  by  walls  crowned 
with  parapets.  The  top  or  upper  level,  about  220  by 
280  feet,  supported  a  temple,  or,  more  correctly,  pyra 
mid  and  temple  (Fig.  87) ,  measuring  sixty-five  feet 


Fig.  87.     Ruins  of  the  temple  of  Xochicalco. 


266  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

from  east  to  west  and  forty-eight  from  north  to  south, 
constructed  of  porphyritic  granite,  dressed  and  laid 
without  mortar.  The  part  shown  in  the  figure  is 
probably  only  the  basement.  There  were  originally 
five  stories  to  the  temple,  rising  step  by  step  one  be 
hind  another,  which  were  to  be  seen  as  late  as  1755. 
The  numerous  figures  on  that  part  of  the  face  shown 
in  the  cut  indicate  Mexican  (Nahuatl)  origin,  and 
would  seem  to  denote  a  different  tribe  or  people  from 
the  builders  of  Tula  or  Teotihuacan. 

The  artificial  caverns  found  here  were,  beyond  any 
reasonable  doubt,  connected  with  religious  ceremonies 
or  superstitious  rites,  and  would  seem  to  be  a  survival 
of  the  similar  custom  already  referred  to  as  found 
further  north.  It  may  also  be  added  that  worship  in 
caverns  was  practiced  to  some  extent  throughout  Cen 
tral  America. 

Before  proceeding  with  our  description  of  ruins,  we 
quote  the  following  from  Motolinia,  an  early  Spanish 
writer,  in  reference  to  the  mode  of  constructing  the 
Mexican  mounds  of  worship  : 

"In  the  most  prominent  part  of  this  court  there 
stood  a  great  rectangular  base,  one  of  which  I  meas 
ured  at  Tenanyocan  in  order  to  write  this,  and  found 
it  to  be  forty  fathoms  from  corner  to  corner.  This 
they  filled  up  solid,  stuffing  it  within  with  stone,  clay, 
adobe,  or  well-pounded  earth,  and  faced  it  with  a  wall 
of  stone  ;  and  as  it  rose  they  made  it  incline  inward, 
and  at  every  fathom  and  a  half  or  two  fathoms  of 
height  they  made  a  stage.  Thus  there  was  a  broad 
foundation,  and  on  it  walls  narrowing  to  the  top,  both 
by  reason  of  the  stages  as  well  as  by  the  slope,  until 
at  a  height  of  thirty-four  to  thirty-five  fathoms  the 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico.  26? 

teocalli  was  seven  or  eight  fathoms  smaller  on  each 
side  than  below.  On  the  west  side  were  the  steps  by 
which  to  ascend,  and  on  the  summit  were  erected  two 
altars  close  by  the  eastern  edge,  not  leaving  more 
space  behind  them  than  sufficient  for  a  walk.  One  of 
these  altars  was  011  the  right,  the  other  on  the  left, 
and  each  one  had  its  walls  and  roof  like  a  chapel. 
The  large  teocallis  had  two  altars,  the  others  one,  and 
each  had  its  covered  house.  The  great  ones  were  of 
three  stories  over  the  altars,  with  their  ceilings  fairly 
high.  The  base  also  was  as  high  as  a  great  tower,  so 
that  it  could  be  seen  from  afar.  Each  chapel  stood 
by  itself,  and  one  might  walk  around  it,  and  in  front 
of  the  altars  there  was  a  great  open  space  where  they 
sacrificed." 

About  ten  miles  west  of  the  Pueblo  de  los  Angelos 
is  the  great  pyramid  of  Cholula,  so  often  mentioned 
by  writers,  the  giant  of  its  class.  Although  still 
standing,  on  account  of  the  wear  of  centuries  it  is 
difficult  to  obtain  exact  measurements  or  to  determine 
with  certainty  its  precise  form.  The  sides  of  the  base, 
which  was  square,  are  variously  estimated  from  .1440 
to  nearly  2000  feet  each.  Bandelier  gives  the  peri 
meter  at  7740,  and  estimates  the  height  at  165,  others 
at  175  to  200  feet.  It  consisted  of  four  terraces  or 
stages,  probably  of  unequal  width,  and,  if  Mr.  Ban 
delier  be  correct,  with  apron-like  extensions  or  plat 
forms  on  the  sides  of  the  base.  Here  the  material 
employed  was  chiefly  adobe,  with  broken  limestone, 
little  pebbles,  and  occasional  particles  of  lava.  Lime 
stone  broken  into  slabs  was  used  for  steps  and  stair 
ways,  and  "pulverized  carbonate  of  lime,  mixed  with 
pebbles  and  lava  fragments,  for  the  intervening  ledges 


268  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  the  coating  of  the  stairways."  The  indications 
are  that  the  structure  was  not  erected  at  one  time,  but 
is  rather  an  accumulation  of  successive  periods. 

Although  it  is  known  that  it  was  surmounted  by  a 
temple,  possibly  of  small  size,  and  was  a  place  of 
worship,  yet  Mr.  Bandelier,  who  devoted  considerable 
time  to  the  study  of  the  locality  and  its  history,  is  of 
the  opinion  that  it  was,  at  least  in  part,  a  defensive 
work.  He  declares  also  that  "one  thing  seems  cer 
tain,  namely,  that  the  Nahuatl  did  not  construct  it." 

Continuing  southward,  we  enter  Oaxaca,  the  region 
of  the  Zapotecs  and  Mixtecs,  a  stock  distinct,  lin 
guistically,  from  the  Nahuatl  or  Maya,  and  embracing 
besides  these  two  tribes  some  other  small  tribes  of  the 
same  locality.  Though  distinct  from  the  Mexicans, 
the  two  peoples  had  many  customs  in  common.  The 
former  were  quite  as  highly  civilized  as  the  latter ; 
they  offered  human  sacrifices,  and  their  mode  of  wor 
ship  and  rites  appear  also  to  have  been  in  general 
analogous  to  those  of  the  Mexicans,  as  were  their 
dress,  ornaments  and  weapons,  and  their  warlike  or 
ganization.  Their  calendar,  the  outlines  of  which 
have  been  preserved,  was  based  upon  the  same  theory 
as  that  of  the  Mexicans  and  Mayas,  as  was  also  their 
system  of  enumeration. 

The  ruins  of  this  region,  which  are  numerous  and 
somewhat  extensive  and  important,  although  resem 
bling  to  some  extent  those  of  southern  Mexico  which 
have  been  noticed,  and  indicating  a  similarity  of  cul 
ture,  constitute  a  distinct  type.  Space,  however,  will 
permit  us  to  notice  but  the  single  group  at  Mitla,  al 
though  the  groups  at  Monte  Alban  show  great  quad 
rangles  surrounded  by  walls  inclosing  series  of 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico. 


269 


mounds,  plazas  and  depressed  courts,  and  outer  series 
of  terraces — reminding  us,  in  some  respects,  of  the 
ruins  of  Copan,  and  evidently  marking  the  site  of  a 
large  ancient  city. 

The  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Mitla  is  now  occupied 
by  the  modern  village  of  the  same  name.  The  ancient 
structures  are  better  preserved  than  those  of  other 
groups  of  Mexico  which  we  have  described  ;  but  the 
ruins  are  not  so  extensive  as  those  of  Teotihuacan  or 
as  those  of  Monte  Alban.  But  they  are  exceedingly 
interesting,  and  serve  to  illustrate  the  great  progress 
made  by  the  prehistoric  people  of 
this  region  in  architecture,  espe 
cially  in  the  temple  building  art. 
The  group  consists  of  five  great 
clusters  of  buildings,  more  or  less 
perfectly  preserved.  Two  of  these 
are  shown  in  Fig.  88.  Mr.  Holmes 
remarks  as  follows  in  regard  to  the 
general  character  of  the  works  : 

"The  art  of  Mitla,  as  represented 
by  the  architectural  remains,  was 
highly  individualized,  and  hence 
presents  many  novel  features — a 
result  due  in  large  part,  no  doubt, 
to  the  isolation  of  the  people  and 
the  peculiarities  of  the  environ 
ment.  Many  features  of  plan,  pro-  jffi 
file,  construction  and  finish  are  - 
new  to  the  student  who  has  paid  at 
tention  chiefly  to  Nahua  and  Maya 
building,  and  the  system  of  em 
bellishment  seems  to  stand  alone,  even  in  the  province 


Fig.  88.    Ruins  at  Mitla, 


270          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

to  which  it  belongs.  The  mural  decorations  are  purely 
geometric,  and  in  appearance  are  in  striking  contrast 
with  the  mythological,  life-form  designs  so  prevalent 
throughout  other  sections  of  Mexico.  Much  has  been 
said  by  various  authors  regarding  the  significance  of 
these  and  other  peculiarities  of  the  architecture,  and 
some  have  predicated  upon  them  marked  distinctions 
of  race,  but  such  characters  of  art,  standing  alone, 
have  no  great  value  as  ethnic  criteria. 

"\Yith  respect  to  the  mechanical  perfection  of  Mit- 
lan  work  in  stone,  it  may  be  said  that  environment 
probably  had  much  to  do  with  it.  The  trachytes  that 
surround  Mitla  break  down  in  great  blocks  along  the 
cliffs,  and  are  the  most  tractable  and  easily  manipu 
lated  of  the  building  stones.  Monte  Alban  furnished 
nothing  but  flimsy  quartzite  and  gnarled  crystalline 
limestone;  San  Juan  Teotihuacan  had  mainly  the 
most  intractable  forms  of  basaltic  lavas.  Such  rocks 
do  not  lend  themselves  to  the  pick  of  the  quarryman 
and  the  chisel  of  the  sculptor;  otherwise  these  two 
cities  would  probably  have  contained  examples  of 
architectural  achievement  unequaled  in  America. 
Mitla  is  what  it  is  largely  because  of  the  presence  of 
inexhaustible  supplies  of  superb  and  easily  worked 
building  stone — the  soft,  massive,  yet  tough  and  dura 
ble,  trachytes." 

One  of  the  clusters  was  built  of  adobe  brick,  the 
others  chiefly  of  stone,  the  facing  of  the  walls,  cor 
nices,  trimmings  and  ornamentation  of  cut  stone,  and 
the  hearting  or  filling  of  the  pyramids,  terraces  and 
walls  of  rubble,  as  was  usual  in  the  entire  region. 
Mortar  was  generally  used  in  laying  the  stone.  Al 
though  such  advanced  art  is  exhibited  in  these  works, 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico. 


271 


no  traces  of  stairways  have  been  discovered.  The 
general  ground  plans  of  the  buildings  are  seen  in  the 
figure  (88).  The  walls  are  massive,  being  usually 
over  four  feet  in  thickness  and  carried  up  vertically, 
and  faced  with  dressed  stone  or  plaster  ;  the  inner 
faces  are  plastered  or  partly  or  wholly  covered  with 
geometric  mosaic  work.  The  buildings  are  all  only  a 
single  story  in  height,  the  ceilings  and  roofs  flat,  hav 
ing  apparently  been  supported  chiefly  by  wooden 
beams,  the  arch  not  being  used,  perhaps  not  known 
to  the  builders.  Where  the  rooms  or  halls  were  of 
considerable  width,  a  row  of  pillars  or  columns  was 
planted  along  the  middle,  in  order  to  furnish  addi 
tional  support  to  the  roof.  (Fig.  89.) 


Fig.  89.     Room  with  columns,  Mitla. 

The  surfaces  of  the  walls  were  uniformly  covered 
within  and  without  with  some  decorative  finish. 
Three  methods  of  embellishment  were  employed — 
painting,  sculpture  and  mosaic.  Mr.  Holmes,  whose 


272 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


description  is  chiefly  followed  here,  notices  as  some 
thing  remarkable  the  absence  of  sculptured  life-forms. 
"Sculpture  in  its  more  restricted  and  commonly  ac 
cepted  sense  seems  to  have  been  tabooed  as  completely 
as  if  a  priestly  edict  had  been  promulgated,  forever 
prohibiting  it.  The  absence  of  sculptured  life-forms 
is  especially  remarkable,  since  such  forms  were  most 
extensively  embodied  in  other  branches  of  Mitlan 
work." 

The  peculiar  feature  of  these  structures  which  has 
attracted  most  attention  is  the  fretwork  decoration  of 
the  walls.  These  designs  are  all  purely  geometrical, 
yet  are  varied  and  attractive,  and  are  arranged  in 
panels  covering  the  exterior  surface  of  the  buildings, 
and  on  interior  surfaces  are  in  panels  or  continuous 
bands  The  most  remarkable  of  these  are  geometric 
fretwork  mosaics  made  up  of  sepa 
rately  hewn  or  carved  stones  in 
the  form  of  little  bricks  set  in 
mortar  to  form  ornamental  de 
signs  ;  some  are  angular  and 
curved  grecques  (Fig.  90) .  The 
painted  designs  show  a  strong  re 
semblance  to  the  figures  of  the 
Mexican  Codices,  as  Fig.  91. 
Charney  seems  to  have  a  rather 
poor  opinion  of  these  paintings, 
as  he  says  : 

"Below  are  found  traces  of  very 

Fig.  1)0.   Fretwork  in  the       .      .   . 

grand  palace,  Mitla.    primitive    paintings,   representing 

rude    figures    of    idols    and    lines 

forming  meanders,  the  meaning  of  which  is  unknown. 

The  same   rude  paintings  are  found  throughout  the 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico. 


273 


.palace   in   sheltered  places  which   have    escaped  the 
ravages    of    time.       That    such    immature   drawings 


o  o  o  o  o  o  o 


Fig.  91.    Painted  designs,  Mitla. 

should  be  found  in  palaces  of  beautiful  architecture, 
decorated  with  panels  of  exquisite  mosaic  work,  are 
facts  which,  at  first  sight,  make  it  difficult  to  ascribe 
them  to  the  same  people." 

According  to  Mr.  Bandelier,  the  ancient  pottery,  so 
far  as  seen  by  him,  was  uniformly  a  light  gray,  thick 
and  without  traces  of  paint.  Its  ornamentation  was 
overloaded,  grotesque  and  elaborate,  the  faces  often 
having  noses  exactly  like  the  so-called  "elephant 
trunk  ornament  of  the  Yucatec  ruins,  and  enormous 
head-dresses  encircling  rather  than  crowning  the 
face." 

Nothing  is  known  in  regard  to  the  age  of  these 
structures  more  than  the  fact  that  they  were  in  ruins 
at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest.  Orozco  y  Berra 
thinks  they  were  destroyed  between  1490  and  1500  in 
the  fierce  contests  between  the  Zapotecs  and  the 
Aztecs.  The  earliest  known  mention  of  the  place  is 
18 


274  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

by  Motolinia,  who  says  that  when  Fray  Martin  de 
Valencia  went  to  Tehuantepec  (about  1533)  with  some 
companions,  "they  passed  through  a  pueblo  which  is 
called  Mictlan,  signifying  hell  in  this  language,  where 
they  found  some  edifices  more  worth  seeing  than  in 
any  other  parts  of  New  Spain.  Among  them  was  a 
temple  of  the  demon,  and  dwelling  of  its  servants 
(ministros) ,  very  sightly,  particularly  one  hall  made 
of  something  like  lattice  work.  The  fabric  was  of 
stone,  with  many  figures  and  shapes ;  it  had  many 
doorways,  each  one  of  three  great  stones,  two  at  the 
sides  and  one  on  the  top,  all  very  thick  and  wide.  In 
these  quarters  there  was  another  hall  containing  round 
pillars,  each  one  of  a  single  piece,  and  so  thick  that 
two  men  could  barely  embrace  one  of  them  ;  their 
height  might  be  five  fathoms.  Fray  Martin  said  that 
on  this  coast  people  would  be  found  handsomer  and 
of  greater  ability  than  those  of  New  Spain." 

Charney  says  :  "It  will  be  apparent  to  the  reader 
that  the  ruins  at  Mitla  bear  no  resemblance  with  those 
of  Mexico  or  Yucatan,  either  in  their  ornamentation 
or  mode  of  building ;  the  interiors  have  no  longer  the 
overlapping  vault,  but  generally  consist  of  perpen 
dicular  walls,  supporting  flat  ceilings,  so  that  it  seems 
almost  impossible  to  class  these  monuments  with 
those  of  Central  America.  Nevertheless,  there  are 
details  which  recall  Toltec  influence,  as  we  shall  show 
later."  However,  it  must  be  apparent  to  the  reader 
of  this  volume  that  there  is  a  resemblance  to  some  of 
those  we  have  described  in  the  following  particulars  : 
The  absence  of  the  vaulted  ceiling ;  the  use  of  the  flat 
roof  sometimes  supported  by  interior  columns  ;  the 
partial  use  of  adobe,  apparently  a  survival  of  the 


Monuments  of  Southern  Mexico.  275 

more  northern  custom  ;  and  the  method  of  hearting 
or  filling  in  the  walls,  terraces,  etc  The  painted  de 
signs,  as  already  stated,  bear  a  strong  resemblance  to 
Mexican  figures;  and  Cliarney  admits  that  "some 
of  the  details,  such  as  the  masks  and  the  small  terra 
cotta  figures,  are  exactly  like  those  at  Teotihuacan, 
whilst  the  small  crosses  on  the  panels  of  the  great 
palace,  and  those  on  the  fagade  of  the  fourth,  are  fac 
similes  of  those  on  the  priest  of  Quetzalcoatl  at 
Lorillard. ' '  The  head-dresses  of  the  pottery  figures,  if 
Bandelier  be  correct,  are  similar  to  those  found  in 
several  other  localities. 


276  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

MONUMENTS    OF    CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Passing  eastward  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Gulf  coast, 
we  enter  the  state  of  Tabasco,  and  after  a  brief  no 
tice  of  a  ruin  in  this  region  proceed  south-east  in  the 
direction  of  one  of  the  supposed  lines  of  prehistoric 
migration. 

At  Comalcalco  is  a  group  of  ruins  which,  on  ac 
count  of  their  locality  and  character,  are  important 
in  studying  the  prehistoric  movements  of  population 
and  the  development  of  culture.  These,  according  to 
Charney,  from  whom  our  brief  notice  is  taken,  con 
sist  of  a  large,  irregular  mound,  or  pyramid,  and  su 
perimposed  works.  The  latter  include  two  quadran 
gular  towers,  a  long  building,  so-called  "palace," 
divided  into  two  lines  of  rooms  something  like  the 
Gobernador  at  Uxmal,  or  the  north  interior  building  of 
the  Palenque  palace,  and  two  mounds  which  are  prob 
ably  the  remains  of  structures  of  some  kind.  All, 
however,  are  in  such  a  ruinous  condition  that  it  is 
difficult  to  make  out  with  certainty  the  plans. 

The  palace,  of  which  but  a  small  portion  retains 
the  roof,  shows  the  angular,  slightly  concave,  vaulted 
ceiling,  the  sloping  frieze,  the  slightly  sloping  roof 
and  substantially  the  mode  of  structure  seen  at  Pa 
lenque.  From  Charney 's  description,  which  is  some 
what  indefinite  and  incomplete,  we  quote  the  following  : 
"The  walls  of  the  palace  were  without  any  ornamenta- 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  277 

tion,  save  a  layer  of  smooth  painted  cement ;  they 
rose  perpendicularly  nine  feet  to  a  very  projecting 
cornice,  then  sloping  in  a  line  parallel  to  the  corbel 
vault,  they  terminated  in  a  second  cornice  less  salient 
than  the  first,  both  serving  as  a  frame  to  a  frieze 
richly  decorated,  so  far  at  least  as  could  be  ascertained 
from  the  fragments  strewing  the  ground.  Above  this, 
toward  the  center  of  the  roof,  rose  a  decorated  wall. 
The  building,  including  the  walls,  measures 
[in  width]  some  twenty-six  feet,  the  walls  are  three 
feet  nine  inches  in  thickness,  the  size  of  the  apart 
ments  is  about  eight  feet.  The  palace  was  brightly 
painted,  as  may  yet  be  seen  in  the  north  corner,  which 
is  of  deep  red."  He  says  that  the  ornamentation  of 
one  of  the  towers,  of  which  portions  of  the  wall  are 
yet  standing,  "must  have  been  gigantic;  the  frag 
ment  [of  which  he  gives  a  figure]  which  was  found 
among  a  heap  of  rubbish  is  no  less  than  six  feet.  The 
figures  or  characters  on  the  wall  are  over  three  feet 
high  and  in  strong  relief."  His  description  leaves 
the  reader  in  doubt  as  to  the  material  used  and  com 
position  ;  however,  it  seems  to  have  been  in  part  or 
largely  adobe,  as  he  mentions  "the  wall  and  its  brick 
and  mortar  composition,"  and  remarks,  "If  baked 
bricks  mixed  with  thick  layers  of  lime  and  mortar 
were  substituted  for  stones,  it  is  because  none  are  to 
be  found  in  that  alluvial  plain."  Stairways  are  a 
feature  not  to  be  omitted  in  studying  these  remains. 

Facing  this  pyramid  to  the  north,  says  the  author 
quoted,  hidden  by  the  luxuriant  vegetation  of  a  vir 
gin  forest,  are  three  other  pyramids,  all  crowned  by 
temples,  the  walls  of  which  are  still  standing.  In 
one  of  these  he  was  enabled  to  ascertain  the  sizes  of 


278 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


some  of  the  brick  used.  These  varied  from  6x9x1 
to  16x11x1,  some  used  for  the  corners  measuring 
23x20x14  inches.  Numerous  other  ruins  in  the 
same  locality,  of  which  no  description  is  given,  are 


\ 


Fig.  92.     Plan  of  the  ruins  at  Palenque. 

mentioned.  The  writer  quoted  believes  that  some  of 
these  structures  were  inhabited  at  the  advent  of  the 
Spaniards  ;  but  without  a  much  fuller  and  more  accu 
rate  description  no  satisfactory  conclusion  on  this 
point,  nor  as  to  their  general  features,  can  be  formed. 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  279 

Entering  the  valley  of  the  Usumacinta,  and  mov 
ing  up  to  the  Tumbula  foot  hills,  we  come  to  the 
noted  ruins  of  Palenque,  of  which  so  much  has  been 
said  and  written.  As  it  is  probable  all  the  readers  of 
this  little  work  have  read  more  or  less  in  regard  to 
the  palace,  temples  and  inscriptions  of  these  ruins, 
only  such  features  will  be  noticed  as  seem  of  most  im 
portance  in  their  bearing  upon  the  culture  of  the  peo 
ple  and  the  relation  of  the  art  types  of  these  structures 
to  the  types  of  other  sections.  Our  space  will  permit 
no  more  than  this. 

The  ruins  consist  of  a  number  of  pyramids  crowned 
by  buildings,  supposed  to  have  been  used  chiefly  as 
temples  ;  the  larger  one,  however,  has  generally  been 
termed  "The  Palace,"  from  the  supposition  that  it 
was  the  royal  residence.  A  sketch  map  copied  from 
Mr.  Holmes 's  work — from  which  we  shall  chiefly 
draw  our  notice  of  architectural  details — is  shown  in 
Fig.  92  ;  in  this  the  principal  monuments  of  the  group 
are  indicated. 

The  palace,  which  is  the  large  structure  at  the  north 
(bottom)  of  the  sketch  is  the  chief  object  of  interest 
in  the  group,  and 
in  its  construction  '^J^1^ 
and  details  illus-  j  [I  '  • 
trates  the  consider 
able  advance  made  =  i  •  i , 
by  the  builders  in  I  I..I..I.J 
architectural  art, 
though  less  profuse 
in  ornamentation, 

less  symmetrical  in 

.          .  Fig.  93.     Ground  plan  of  the  palace, 

form     and     inferior  Palenque. 


l^rfj^S       1 1 

^//wii>/»A  !i'»z;i™.. ....  ___: 


280  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

in  some  other  respects  to  some  of  the  Yucatec  structures 
which  •will  be  noticed  hereafter.  The  ground  plan  of  the 
building  is  shown  in  Fig.  93.  This,  as  the  other  build 
ings,  stands  on  a  pyramidal  substructure  or  elevated 
platform,  in  this  case  from  twenty  to  thirty  feet  in 
height,  and  measuring  at  the  top  some  200  feet  from 
east  to  west  at  the  north  end,  and  225  from  north 
to  south.  The  lower  terrace  occupied  by  the  building 
at  the  south  end  is  about  40  feet  wide  and  180  feet 
long. 

O 

The  structure  on  this  platform  is  compound,  the 
series  of  three  broken  lines  around  three  sides  and 
in  the  interior  representing  distinct  buildings,  while 
the  spaces  denote  open  courts  depressed  some  five  or 
six  feet  below  the  level  on  which  the  buildings  around 
them  stand.  The  square  near  the  center  is  a  tower. 
The  building  at  the  south  end  is  on  a  lower  terrace 
and  not  considered  a  part  of  the  group  on  the  upper 
level  of  the  pyramid.  All  the  buildings  of  the  upper 
level,  except  the  tower  and  that  immediately  south  of 
it,  are  double  vaulted,  as  shown  in  Fig.  94,  which  rep- 


a  d  bee 

Fig.  94.     Cross-section  of  palace  at  Palenque. 

resents  a  cross-section  of  the  northern  part  of  the 
group ;  that  marked  a,  the  eastern  range ;  rf,  the 
great  court ;  6,  the  middle  range ;  e,  the  north 
western  court ;  and  c,  the  western  range.  This 


Monuments  of  Central  America. 


281 


282  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

also  shows  the  vaulted  ceiling  and  the  form  of  the 
roof.  The  walls  are  about  three  feet  thick  and  rise 
vertically  nearly  ten  feet.  The  roof  is  generally 
crowned  with  an  elevated  comb  and  the  slopes  filled 
with  elaborate  designs  in  stucco,  as  shown  in  Fig.  95, 
which  is  an  attempted  restoration  of  the  roof  of  one 
of  the  interior  palace  buildings.  The  ornamentation 
is  chiefly  after  Charney's  idea,  but  the  comb  is  given 
according  to  the  author's  view. 

Large  slabs  are  used  in  the  construction  of  wall 
openings  and  the  projecting  portions  of  the  roof.  The 
outer  wall  of  the  surrounding  building,  that  facing 
the  great  court  on  the  east,  and  both  outer  walls  of 
the  interior  building  are  broken  into  rather  broad 
square  pillars.  Stephens  says  "the  whole  front  [east 
face]  was  covered  with  stucco  and  painted  ;  the  piers 
were  ornamented  with  spirited  figures  in  bas-relief." 
Broad  flights  of  steps  lead  up  from  the  court  to  the 
buildings  surrounding  it.  "On  each  side  of  the 
steps,"  says  the  author  last  quoted,  "are  grim  and 
gigantic  figures  carved  on  stone  in  basso-relievo,  nine  or 
ten  feet  high,  and  slightly  inclined  backward  from  the 
end  of  the  steps  to  the  floor  of  the  corridor." 

The  ground  plans  of  other  structures  which  are 

supposed  to  be  temples,  most 

are    afc 


each  mounted  on  a  pyra- 
i^bd  I  I  JLJM  j  n  I  mid,  are  represented  in  a 
LZZZJ  L..J  Er,TJ  general  way  in  our  Fig.  96. 

The     interior    of    the    pyra- 
JFig.  96.      Ground  plans    of         . 

Yucatec  temples.  mids    haye    not    been    exam 

ined,    but     from    indications 

there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  consists  of  a  heteroge- 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  283 

neous  mixture  of  earth  and  stone.  It  would  seem  that 
the  construction  was,  in  some  cases  at  least,  carried 
up  with  vertical  w^alls  and  the  abutting  masonry  to 
form  the  slope  added  afterward,  as  at  Copan.  The 
platforms  were,  as  a  rule,  finished  in  cement  or  con 
crete,  but  slabs  of  limestone  were  used  in  some  in 
stances.  The  support  over  the  doors  is  believed 
beyond  any  reasonable  doubt  to  have  been  wooden 
beams,  though  all  had  disappeared  at  the  time  of 
Stephens 's  visit. 

A  singular  feature  of  some  of  the  buildings  here  is 
the  roof-comb.  This,  which  runs  lengthwise  along 
the  crest  of  the  roof,  is  yet  standing  almost  complete 
over  the  Temple  of  the  Sun.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a 
sharp  inverted  A,  two  feet  wide  within  and  twelve 
feet  high.  Its  walls,  which  are  three  feet  thick  at 
bottom,  thinning  to  two  feet  at  top,  are  perforated  in 
a  varied  and  striking  manner  and  finished  at  top  with 
a  slight  molding ;  they  are  built  of  rather  small 
stones  well  set  in  mortar.  The  faces  and  ends  of  this 
strange  architectural  device  are  entirely  covered  with 
bold  mythological  designs  in  stucco,  and  Mr.  Holmes 
thinks  that  it  was  built  for  no  other  purpose  than  to 
display  these  figures. 

As  the  strange,  and,  in  some  cases,  remarkable  fig 
ures  carved  in  stone  and  modeled  in  stucco  have  been 
repeatedly  published,  and  the  hieroglyphics  carved  on 
stone  tablets  set  into  the  walls  have  also  been  fre 
quently  reproduced,  and  have  been  referred  to  in  a 
previous  chapter,  these,  though  interesting  to  the 
general  as  well  as  scientific  reader,  must  be  omitted 
here.  Moreover,  we  deem  it  of  more  importance  as 
a  means  of  broad  comparisons  to  give  the  archi- 


284  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tectural  details  relating  to  the   forms  and  modes  of 
construction. 

The  history  of  the  city  of  which  these  ruins  are  the 
crumbling  remains,  and  which  must  have  been  one 
of  importance,  and  at  some  period  one  of  power,  is 
hidden  in  the  gloom  of  the  past  seemingly  beyond  the 
possibility  of  recovery.  This  gloom  is  relieved  only 
by  a  few  faint  rays  cast  by  some  dim  and  scarcely  in 
telligible  traditions,  unless  the  city  should  yet  be  iden 
tified  with  the  Izancanac  visited  by  Cortez  on  his 
march  to  Honduras,  a  conclusion  discountenanced  by 
most  historians  and  antiquaries,  and  advanced  by 
but  one  of  the  explorers  of  that  region.  The  Tzental 
tradition  regarding  Votan,  their  culture  hero,  and 
some  faint  and  uncertain  echoes  from  Quiche  legends, 
are  all  that  have  come  down  to  the  present  day  in  re 
gard  to  its  past.  Like  Quetzalcoatl  of  Mexican  tra 
dition,  he  comes  from  the  eastern  coast,  clothed  as 
were  his  followers  in  long  gowns.  Wives  are" given 
to  his  followers,  and  he  is  made  ruler  over  the  people 
who,  up  to  that  time,  had  lived  in  a  savage  state, 
knowing  nothing  of  agriculture  or  architecture.  He 
instructs  them  in  these  arts,  forms  their  calendar, 
teaches  them  how  to  record  events  in  hieroglyphic 
characters  and  builds  the  city  of  Nachan  ("City  of 
Serpents"),  which,  according  to  Ordonez,  is  identical 
with  Palenque.  Xibalba  of  the  Quiche  legends  has 
also  been  supposed  by  some  writers  to  refer  to  the 
same  city,  but,  as  Bancroft  remarks,  "the  difficulty 
of  disproving  the  identity  is  equaled  by  that  of  prov 
ing  it."  That  the  place  was  at  some  time  in  the  past 
one  of  importance  and  one  of  influence  among  the 
natives  of  this  region  may  be  assumed  from  the  ex- 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  285 

tent  of  the  ruins.  However,  it  would  seem  that 
Charney  is  correct  in  considering  it  a  holy  place,  a 
religious  center,  a  city  of  temples. 

"This  important  city  is  apparently  without  civic 
architecture ;  no  public  buildings  are  found ;  there 
seems  to  have  been  nothing  but  temples  and  tombs. 
Consequently,  the  great  edifice  was  not  a  royal  palace, 
but  rather  a  priestly  habitation,  a  magnificent  convent 
occupied  by  the  higher  clergy  of  this  holy  center,  as 
the  reliefs  every-where  attest. 

"Had  Palenque  been  the  capital  of  an  empire,  the 
palace  a  kingly  mansion,  the  history  of  her  people, 
fragments  of  domestic  life,  pageants,  recitals  of  battles 
and  conquests  would  be  found  among  the  reliefs  which 
every-where  cover  her  edifices,  as  in  Mexico,  at 
Chichen-Itza,  and  other  cities  in  Yucatan  ;  whereas, 
the  reliefs  in  Palenque  show  nothing  of  the  kind.  On 
them  we  behold  peaceful,  stately  subjects,  usually  a 
personage  standing  with  a  scepter,  sometimes  a  calm, 
majestic  figure  whose  mouth  emits  a  flame,  emblem  of 
speech  and  oratory.  They  are  surrounded  by  pros 
trated  acolytes,  whose  bearing  is  neither  that  of  slaves 
nor  of  captives  ;  for  the  expression  of  their  counte 
nance,  if  submissive,  is  open  and  serene,  and  their 
peaceful  attitude  indicates  worshipers  and  believers  ; 
no  arms  are  found  among  these  multitudes,  nor  spear, 
nor  shield,  nor  bow,  nor  arrow,  nothing  but  preachers 
and  devotees." 

Although  the  ruins  at  Comalcalco  are  so  briefly  and 
imperfectly  described,  yet  this  description  is  sufficient 
to  indicate  a  decided  similarity  in  some  features  in  the 
mode  of  construction  to  those  at  Palenque. 

Proceeding  westward  up  the  valley  of  the  Usumacinta 


286 


Study  of  Xorth  American  Archaeology. 


into  the  mountain  region  of  the  Lacandons,  the  ruins 
described  by  Charney,  and  to  which  he  has  given  the 
name  "Lorillard  City"  (also  called  Menche) ,  are 
reached.  According  to  this  writer,  the  number  of 
buildings  "in  good  preservation  was  supposed  to  be 
twelve,"  six,  however,  "without  doors."  They,  like 
those  at  Palenque,  are  supported  on  terraces  or  pyra 
mids  faced  with  stones,  have  a  central  flight  of  steps, 
but  are  of  smaller  dimensions  and  not  so  richly  deco 
rated.  But  the  description  is  necessarily  incomplete, 
as  all  traces  of  outer  decoration  have  disappeared. 
Here  is  found  also  the  perforated  roof-comb  rising  to 
an  unusual  height.  The  ceilings  are  triangular  vaults, 
straight  or  slightly  concave,  and  in  some  instances 
slightly  convex,  the  latter  being  a  feature  not  observed 
in  the  ruins  heretofore  described  or  in  those  of  Yuca 
tan.  Lintels  are  more  richly  sculptured  than  in 
Yucatan,  and  seem  to  replace  the  slabs  covered  with 


Fig.  97.     Sculptured  lintel,  Lorillard  City. 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  287 

inscriptions  and  the  ornamented  pillars  at  Palenque. 
Casts  of  three  of  these  obtained  by  Charney  are  in  the 
United  States  National  Museum.  The  figures  are  ex 
ceedingly  rich  in  ornamentation,  one  of  which  is 
shown  in  our  Fig.  97,  from  photograph.  One  of  the 
most  singular  objects  discovered  by  Charney  was  a 
great  stone  idol  with  an  enormous  head-dress  rising  in 

o  o 

the  form  of  a  fully  spread  fan.  He  says  that  it  is 
"unique  of  its  kind,  for  nothing  like  it  has  been  found 
either  in  Tabasco  or  Yucatan."  However,  Mr.  Bande- 
lier  states  that  some  of  the  ancient  pottery  heads  from 
the  vicinity  of  Mitla  have  enormous  head-dresses 
which  encircle  rather  than  crown  the  face,  probably 
similar  in  type. 

The  explorer  whose  description  has  been  followed 
appears  to  lean  to  the  opinion  that  this  city  was  inhab 
ited  for  many  years  after  the  Spaniards  landed  on  the 
eastern  coast. 

Turning  now  to  the  east,  we  enter  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan ,  a  region  dotted  over  with  monuments  showing 
the  most  advanced  architectural  art  of  North  America. 
However,  the  description  of  a  few  groups  will  suffice 
to  indicate  the  types.  The  people  who  occupied  the 
peninsula  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  were  the 
Mayas  proper,  and  although  split  into  numerous  inde 
pendent  states,  spoke  the'  same  language.  These,  of 
which  as  many  as  eighteen  are  enumerated  within  the 
bounds  of  the  peninsula,  were,  as  heretofore  stated, 
the  fragments  of  a  once  powerful  confederacy,  which 
had  broken  up  about  a  century  before  the  Spaniards 
appeared  in  their  midst.  Some  of  the  cities,  of  which 
these  ruins  mark  the  sites,  were  found  already  in 
ruins,  but  some  of  them  were  still  inhabited,  though 


288  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

soon  abandoned  after  the  conquerors  appeared  on  the 
scene.  Nevertheless,  it  is  apparent  that  their  golden 
era  had  passed,  and  that  the  inspiration  which  gave 
birth  to  the  numerous  temples  and  palatial  struc 
tures  had  disappeared.  Herrera  states  that  at  the 
fall  of  Mayapan  (which  he  places  in  1460) ,  which  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  capital  of  the  confederacy, 
the  conquering  caciques  took  away  all  the  books  of 
the  kind  they  had  that  they  could  obtain,  for  the  in 
struction  of  their  people,  and  on  their  return  home 
erected  temples  and  palaces,  which  is  the  reason  why 
so  many  buildings  were  seen  in  Yucatan  ;  that  follow 
ing  the  division  of  the  territory  into  independent 
provinces,  the  people  multiplied  exceedingly,  so  that 
the  whole  region  seemed  but  one  single  city.  There 
are,  however,  few  students  who  will  believe  that  the 
numerous  structures,  whose  ruins  are  now  scattered 
over  Yucatan,  were  built  during  the  seventy  or  eighty 
years  immediately  preceding  the  advent  of  the  Span 
iards  ;  nor  will  they  believe  the  division  into  inde 
pendent  nations  was  conducive  to  the  increase  and 
prosperity  of  the  people,  especially  in  view  of  his 
statement,  confirmed  by  others,  that  during  some  of 
these  years  the  country  was  swept  by  tornadoes,  some 
years  by  the  pestilence,  and  during  others  by  the  de 
vastation,  of  contending  armies  and  plundering  bands 
engaged  in  internecine  warfare. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  as  well  as  most  noted 
groups  of  the  peninsula  is  that  known  as  Uxmal, 
some  thirty-five  or  forty  miles  south  of  Merida.  This 
group  consists,  as  shown  in  Fig.  98,  of  some  five 
or  six  buildings,  mounted,  as  usual,  on  platforms 
or  pyramids,  a  tennis  court,  and  some  three  or  four 


E  \ 

1SITY 

°F     y 


Monuments  of  Central  America. 


UX.MAL 


289 


Fig.  98.     Plan  of  ruins  at  "Uxmal. 

mounds,  whose  superstructures,   if   any  ever  existed, 
have  disappeared.     The  area  covered  by  the  main  group 
of  ruins  is  not  large,  probably  not  more  than  half  a  mile 
19 


290  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

square,  but  scattered  remains  are  found  beyond  this 
limit.  "The  place,  when  inhabited,"  remarks  a  re 
cent  visitor,  "must  have  been  extensive  and  impor 
tant,  and  no  doubt  presented  a  brilliant  and  imposing 
effect.  Though  the  buildings  are  now  much  disman- 


Fig.  99.     Ornamentation  on  the  governor's  palace,  Uxmal. 

tied  and  buried  in  a  deep  forest,  save  where  recent 
clearings  have  been  made,  they  are  still  impressive  in 
the  extreme,  and  it  is  difficult  to  realize  that  the  huge 
pyramidal  masses,  rising  like  hills  above  the  general 
level,  are  really  wholly  artificial." 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  291 

The  Casa  del  Gobernador,  or  Governor's  House, 
reared  on  the  uppermost  of  three  successive  colossal 
terraces >  and  forming  the  large  central  ground  plan  in 
Fig.  98,  is  the  most  extensive,  best  known  and  most 
magnificent  monument  of  Central  America.  The  sec 
ond  of  these  terraces  forms  a  broad  esplanade  in  front 
of  the  building ;  the  third,  set  back  somewhat  toward 
the  rear,  is  long  and  narrow,  so  as  to  leave  a  promenade 
of  thirty  feet  around  the  house.  The  latter  is  ex 
cessively  long  in  proportion  to  the  width,  the  length 
being  about  325  feet,  while  the  width  is  only  forty 
feet.  The  height  to  the  level  top  is  twenty-six  feet, 
nearly  one-half,  of  this  height  on  the  exterior  face  be 
ing  occupied  by  an  immense,  profusely  ornamented 
frieze,  ten  feet  wide,  running  entirely  around  the  four 
walls  of  the  building,  a  distance  of  about  725  feet. 
This  elaborate  ornamentation  (Fig.  99) ,  which  is  all 
in  wrought  stone,  consists  of  a  checkered  or  lattice 
background  ;  Greek  frets,  series  of  bars  terminating 
with  serpent  heads,  the  interspaces  being  covered 
with  hieroglyphs  ;  human  figures  with  immense 
head-dresses  over  the  doorways  (the  human  figures 
have  all  been  broken  away)  ;  and  an  upper  line  of 
great  stone  masks,  with  long,  curved,  proboscis-like 
noses.  The  other  facing  of  the  walls  without  and 
within  is  of  the  gray  limestone  of  the  region,  in 
large,  squarish  blocks,  generally  cut  and  laid  with 
great  precision,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  plain. 

This  long  and  narrow  building  is  divided  length 
wise  into  two  series  of  rooms  by  a  middle  wall,  the 
entrance  being  from  the  front ;  the  rear  wall  is  nine 
feet  thick  and  without  opening,  except  at  the  recesses 
near  the  ends.  The  width  of  the  rooms  is  limited  by 


292 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


the  span    of   the    wedge-shaped    arch    of   the    ceiling 
which  rarely  exceeds  ten  or  twelve  feet.      (Fig.  100.) 


Fig.  100.     Section  of  the  Casa  del  Gobernador. 

The  so-called  Nunnery  is  a  great  quadrangle,  con 
sisting  of  four  rectangular  structures  surrounding  an 
open  court,  which  stand  on  terraces,  leaving  open 
spaces  at  the  four  corners,  the  south  building  alone 
having  an  entry  way  through  it.  The  inner  facades 
facing  the  court  have,  on  the  upper  part,  like  that  of 
the  Governor's  House,  a  broad,  richly-ornamented 
frieze  reaching  from  the  top  of  the  doorways  to  the 
flat  roof.  These,  in  variety  of  designs  and  delicacy 
of  finish,  probably  exceed  those  of  the  Governor's 
House.  Among  these  designs  the  great  snouted  mask 
is  prominent,  being  found  on  all  the  fronts,  and  on 
the  north  side  is  placed  in  vertical  tiers  of  five  or  six 
at  the  corners  and  over  alternate  doorways.  These 
masks  are  formed  by  the  arrangement  of  minor  feat 
ures  and  are  rectangular  in  outline.  They  are  prob 
ably  intended  to  represent  the  Tlaloc  or  rain  god  of 


Monuments  of  Central  America, 


293 


the  Mayas ;  whether  Itzamna  or  Cukulcan,  is  uncer 
tain  ;  the  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  former  is 
intended.  (Fig,  101.)  A  similar  arrangement  of  some 
what  similar  faces  is  seen  in  some  of  the  designs  of  the 
north-west  coast  (Fig.  70)  ;  even  the  great  nose  is  some 
times  present,  especially  on  their  totem  posts,  but  in 
the  form  of  a  bird's  bill  instead  of  the  elephant  or 
tapir  snout.  The  upward  curve  in  the  mask  snouts 
of  Central  America  give  the  idea  that  it  was  derived 
in  some  way  from  the  elephant  form  instead  of  from 
the  tapir  snout,  which  has  a  slightly  downward  curve. 
However,  figures  in  the  Dresden  Codex  evidently  in 
tended  to  represent  tapirs  have  the  snout  curved  up 
ward  fully  three-quarters  of  an  entire  circuit. 

Next  to  the  masks  the  most  im 
portant  feature  in  the  ornamentation 
of  these  facades  is  the  serpent,  the 
arrangement  of  which  along  the 
face  and  around  the  panels  is  con 
sidered  a  masterpiece  of  decorative 
sculpture,  and  brings  to  mind  the 
introduction  of  the  serpent  in  the 
sculpturing  of  some  of  the  temples  of 
Cambodia. 

As  an  entire  chapter  would  not 
suffice  to  describe  all  the  ruins  of 

this  ancient  city,  brief    reference   to 

i  11  Fig.  101.     Ornamen- 

bat    two    more    can   be    made    here.     t°ationoftheXun,s 

The  Temple  of  the  Dwarf  or  Magician     palace,  Uxmal. 
is  noted  as  a  prominent  object  of  the 
group  because  of  the  very  steep  pyramid  on  which  the 
building  stands.     The  temple  itself  is   small  and  in 
significant  ;  the  unusual  feature  of  the  pile  is  a  temple 


294  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

built  against  and  into  the  north  side  of  the  pyramid, 
its  roof  being  on  a  level  with  the  top  of  the  pyramid. 
The  front  of  this  temple  is  about  twenty-two  feet 
square  and  is  entirely  covered  with  ornamental  work. 
The  large  doorway  is  occupied  by  a  colossal  snouted 
face  or  mask  twelve  feet  square,  made  up  of  striking 
and  unusual  details.  Among  these  was  probably  a 
life-size  statue  (now  lost)  standing  on  the  snout  and 
resting  against  the  forehead ;  others  are  a  pair  of 
tigers.  The  corner  decorations  comprise  smaller 
masks,  seven  in  each  tier. 

The  House  of  Pigeons  (Casa  de  Palomas) ,  as  will 
be  seen  by  reference  to  the  plan  sketch,  is  a  quadran 
gular  structure  placed  against  the  terrace  of  a  pyramid. 
Its  prominent  features  are  an  arched  opening  of  un 
usual  size  through  the  front  building  and  the  immense 
serrated,  perforated  comb  which  rises  above  the  front 
wall. 

The  facing  of  the  buildings  is  of  cut  stone  ;  the  fill 
ing  of  the  walls  and  mounds  is,  as  usual,  of  broken 
stone  set  in  a  liberal  matrix  of  whitish  mortar  made 
of  lime.  "The  facings  and  ornaments,"  says  Mr. 
Holmes,  "are  all  cut  and  sculptured  with  a  masterly 
handling  not  surpassed  where  chisels,  picks  and  ham 
mers  of  iron  and  steel  are  used,  and  the  faces  and  con 
tact  margins  are  hewn  with  perfect  precision.  Though 
the  finish  of  the  surfaces  was  often  secured  by  means 
of  abrasion  or  grinding,  picking  or  pecking  were  the 
main  agencies  employed,  and  the  indents  of  the  tool 
are  often  apparent  and  wonderfully  fresh  looking." 

This  city  is  supposed  to  have  been  built  or  enlarged 
by  the  Tutul-Xiu — of  whom  further  mention  will  be 
made  in  a  future  chapter — and  their  rei^n,  with 


Monuments  of  Central  America.  295 

Uxmal  as  their  capital,  was  the  most  glorious  period 
of  Mayan  history,  probably  extending  from  the  early 
part  of  the  twelfth  century  until  after  the  fall  of 
Mayapan.  Why  this  city,  the  capital  of  the  most  ad 
vanced  native  culture,  was  abandoned  by  the  Xiu, 
and  Mani  selected  as  their  seat — which  they  occupied 
at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards — is  unknown.  That 
Uxmal  was  inhabited,  at  least  to  some  extent,  at  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  appears  to  be  proved  beyond 
any  reasonable  doubt,  and  is  generally  conceded. 


296  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

CHICHEN-ITZA,   TIKAL    AND    COPAN. 

Cliichen-Itza,  to  which  the  reader's  attention  is  now 
called,  vies  in  the  grandeur  and  extent  of  its  remains 
with  Uxmal.  Like  the  latter,  it  is  situated  in  the 
midst  of  a  forest-covered  plain,  whose  monotony  is 
broken  only  by  minor  irregularities  of  tho  rocky  sur 
face.  Its  name,  which  signifies  "The  Mouth  of  the- 
Well  of  the  Itzas,"  is  supposed  to  have  been  given 
because  of  the  presence  of  two  great  natural  wells  or 
cenotes  within  its  area.  The  principal  ruins  are  in 
cluded  in  an  area  considerably  less  than  a  mile  square, 
and  consist  of  half  a  dozen  important  piles,  with 
remains  of  numerous  inferior  structures  scattered 
about,  which  have  not  been  explored.  The  pyramid- 
temple  is  the  prevailing  type,  though  some  of  the 
buildings  are  on  the  natural  surface  ;  the  ground  plans 
are  mostly  simple  arrangements  of  corridors,  vesti 
bules  and  chambers  ;  the  walls  are  mostly  vertical, 
the  upper  zone  of  the  outer  face  ornamented,  the 
lower  portion  plain  ;  the  roofs  are  level  and  covered 
with  cement  and  the  floors  are  mostly  of  cement. 
Ordinary  surface  masonry  is  often  irregular,  imper 
fectly  hewn  stones  laid  up  with  little  skill ;  but  im 
portant  wall  surfaces  are  generally  faced  with  accu 
rately  hewn  blocks,  neatly  laid,  but  with  little  mortar 
except  at  the  back.  Here,  as  elsewhere  in  Yucatan > 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  297 

the  wooden  lintel  was  the  weak  feature  of  the  con 
struction. 

"The  study  of  even  a  single  example  of  the  great 
fa9ades,"  says  Mr.  Holmes,  from  whom  our  notes  on 
the  architectural  features  are  chiefly  drawn,  "is  suffi 
cient  to  impress  upon  one  the  vast  importance  of  the 
sculptor's  work,  but  the  immense  range  of  his  field 
is  appreciated  when  the  heavy  rattlesnake  columns, 
the  colossal  serpent  balustrades,  the  long  lines  of 
caryatid-atlantean  figures,  and  the  graphic  relief 
sculptures  of  temple  interiors  and  pillars  have  been 
passed  in  review.  The  life  subjects  had  perhaps  in 
all  cases  a  mythologic  origin  and  application,  being 
employed  in  buildings  or  situations  consistent  with 
their  symbolism.  Purely  geometric  motives  are  nu 
merous,  important  and  highly  varied  and  specialized, 
indicating  on  the  part  of  this  people  a  ripe  experience 
in  various  branches  of  art  in  which  the  esthetic  had 
equal  consideration  with  the  symbolic." 

Although  there  was  but  little  modeling  in  stucco 
here,  plaster  was  universal ;  every  imperfect  surface 
was  made  even  by  this  means,  and  then  treated  with 
colors  which  were  varied  and  brilliant.  The  general 
plan  of  dividing  the  building  into  rooms  with  vaulted 
ceilings,  as  heretofore  described,  was  followed  here. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  remains  of  this  group, 
in  some  respects,  is  the  so-called  Nun's  Palace,  a 
ground  plan  of  which  is  shown  in  Fig.  102.  This  is 
in  three  stories  ;  the  lower  stage,  some  ten  feet  high, 
although  vertical,  with  moldings  around  the  top  and 
a  narrow  ledge  around  the  bottom,  is  apparently  solid. 
Ascent  to  the  second  and  third  stories  was  made  by 
broad  stairways  in  front,  as  shown  in  the  ground 


298  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

plan.  The  portion  of  the  second  story  building  sup 
porting  the  small  upper  story  is  also  solid,  the  filling 
up  having  apparently  been  an  after-thought  for  the 
purpose  of  supporting  the  small  upper  structure. 

The  door  jambs,  lintels  and  rounded  corners  of  the 
building  are  formed  of  stones  of  large  size.  Mr. 
Holmes  thinks  the  most  striking  peculiarity  observed 
here  is  the  retreating  profile  of  the  upper  wall,  a 
character  occurring  rarely  in  Yucatec  buildings,  but 
almost  universal  in  the  Usumacinta  province.  This 
fact,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  becomes  important  in 


Fig.  102.     Ground  plan  of  Nunnery,  Chichen-Itza. 

tracing  the  development  of  art  in  this  region.  This 
building  is  also  unique  in  regard  to  its  decorations. 
The  lower  wall  is  elaborately  embellished  with  geo 
metric  sculptures  arranged  in  large  panels.  The 
large  panels  in  the  ends  of  the  building  are  filled  with 
heavy  lattice  work.  The  ornamentation  of  the  upper 
story,  as  given  by  Charney,  consists  chiefly  of  panels 
with  central  rosettes. 

This  building  has  associated  with  it,  as  seen  in  the 
ground  plan,  an  L-shaped  adjunct,  and  two  small  de 
tached  structures,  standing  on  the  natural  ground 
surface.  The  first  of  these — the  adjunct — is  about 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  299 

twenty-three  feet  high.  The  lower  portion  of  the 
outer  face  of  the  north  and  south  walls  has,  alternating 
with  the  doorways,  the  usual  mask  and  lattice  decora 
tions  in  panels,  together  with  some  plain  spaces.  The 
fayade  on  the  east  is  filled  with  two  tiers  of  great 
snouted  masks  at  the  right  and  left  of  the  doorway. 
The  form  of  these  snouts  is  shown  in  Fig.  103.  The 
upper  zone  presents  one  of  the 
most  richly  decorated  spaces  of  its  / 

kind  in  America.     The  north  side  If  «))| 

contains   six    mask    panels,    with 
three     rosette    panels ;     the    east 
fagade  has  a  central  panel  over  the 
door,  in  which  is  a  sitting  figure,  Fig  m  Elephant trunk 
and  mask  panels  at  the  right  and       figure,  Yucatan, 
left.  Even  the  flaring  coping  stones 
on  the  south  front  are  embellished  with  three  examples 
of,  what  are  supposed  to  be,  Tlaloc  symbols  as  they 
embody  the  projecting  snout  and  five  or  six  pendant 
lines  or  grooves  suggesting  the  rain  god. 

Another  interesting  ruin  of  this  group  is  the  Tower, 
or  Caracol,  so  named  because  of  a  special  stairway 
extending  upward  through  the  Columnar,  central  mass 
of  the  building.  It  is  mounted  on  the  second  terrace 
of  a  broad  elevated  platform,  as  shown  in  the  vertical 
section,  Fig.  104,  which  passes  through  the  center. 


Fig.  104.    Vertical  section  of  the  Caracol  or  Tower,  Chichen-Itza. 


300 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


The  lower  terrace  is  about  twenty  feet  high  and  the 
upper  one  twelve.  The  tower  is  a  regular  circle  about 
thirty-nine  or  forty  feet  in  diameter,  and  when  com 
plete  was  probably  about  the  same  height.  The 
ground  plan  is  seen  in  Fig.  105. 


Fig.  105.     Ground  plan  of  the  tower,  Chichen-Itza. 

The  most  imposing  monument  of  Chichen-Itza  is 
the  so-called  Castillo  or  Castle.  This  consists  of  a 
steep  terraced,  or  stepped  pyramid,  seventy-five  or 
eighty  feet  high,  and  a  block-like  superstructure.  The 
sides  of  the  pyramid  rise  at  an  angle  of  about  fifty 
degrees,  and  are  divided  into  nine  steps ;  a  broad 
stairway  of  hewn  stone  ascends  the  middle  of  each 
face.  One  at  least  of  these  stairways,  and  probably 
all,  were  bordered  by  a  kind  of  balustrade  represent 
ing  a  serpent,  terminating  at  the  base  in  a  great  ser 
pent  head  with  protruded  tongue.  The  plan  of  the 
temple  is  of  the  usual  form  ;  a  front  entry  extending 
the  whole  length  of  the  building,  from  which  a  door 
way  leads  into  an  interior  dark  room,  around  three 
sides  of  which  runs  a  hall  with  doorways  at  the  sides 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  301 

and  rear  leading  out  of  the  building,  but  not  connecting 
with  the  inner  room.  The  great  front  opening  is  in 
terrupted  by  two  equally  spaced  columns  which  support 
the  wooden  lintel.  These  columns,  which  are  circular, 
are  carved  to  represent  the  body  of  a  feathered  ser 
pent,  almost  exactly  like  those  seen  at  Tula,  the  head 
being  bent  outward  at  the  base.  Columns  of  the  same 
form  are  seen  again  in  this  group  at  the  so-called 
House  of  the  Tigers.  The  chief  sculptures  in  the 
Castle  are  representations  of  the  human  form.  These 
are  elaborately  costumed  and  have  stern  features. 
Some  of  the  figures  seen  here  are  furnished  with 
long,  full  beards.  Two  Atlantean  forms  are  shown 
in  Fig.  106. 

The  Gymnasium,  House  of  the  Tigers  and  other  in 
teresting  monuments  must  be  passed  

without  notice  in  our  necessarily  brief 
account. 

In  studying  the  ruined  cities  of  Yu 
catan  and  attempting  restoration,  we 
should  bear  in  mind  the  following 
statement  by  Landa,  who  was  in  that 
country  as  early  as  1540  :  "Before  the  Fig.  106.  Sculptur- 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  the  aborig-  ed  Atlantean  fig- 
ines  lived  in  common,  were  ruled  by 
severe  laws,  and  the  lands  were  cultivated  and  planted 
with  useful  trees.  The  center  of  their  towns  was  oc 
cupied  by  the  temples  and  squares,  round  which  were 
grouped  the  palaces  of  the  lords  and  the  priests,  and 
so  on  in  successive  order  to  the  outskirts,  which  were 
allotted  to  the  lower  classes.  The  wells,  necessarily 
few,  were  found  close  to  the  dwellings  of  the  nobles, 
who  live  in  close  community  for  fear  of  their  enemies, 


302  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  not  until  the  time  of  the  Spaniards  did  they  take 
to  the  woods." 

The  culture  hero  of  Chichen-Itza  was,  according  to 
tradition,  Cukulcan,  a  name  signifying  "Feathered 
Serpent."  According  to  Landa,  it  was  said  that  he 
arrived  from  the  west,  but  whether  with  or  after  the 
Itzaes  was  not  stated,  but  probably  after  the  city  had 
been  founded.  According  to  the  same  authority,  the 
principal  edifice,  built  no  doubt  long  after  his  depart 
ure,  was  named  Cukulcan.  It  was  through  him  the 
people  obtained  their  arts,  religion  and  mode  of 
government.  After  ruling  over  Chichen  for  a  time  he 
removed  to  Mayapan  and  founded  that  city.  At  length 
he  disappeared  to  be  known  and  honored,  as  the  tradi 
tion  asserts,  as  the  god  Quetzalcoatl  in  Mexico.  In 
Mayapan,  a  temple  was  built  in  his  honor,  as  at 
Chichen,  which  Landa  says  was  round,  with  four 
doorways.  The  fact  that  explorers  have  found  at 
Mayapan  and  Chichen,  and  nowhere  else  in  Yucatan, 
two  circular  temples  entered  by  four  doors,  is  seem 
ingly  a  partial  confirmation  of  this  tradition. 

The  date  of  the  founding  of  Chichen  is  of  course 
unknown,  yet  the  traditions,  as  shown  by  the  author 
in  his  "Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,"  appear  to 
indicate  the  sixth  century  A.  D.  as  the  probable  date. 
However,  as  the  place  was  inhabited,  at  least  in  part, 
at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  it  is  probable  that  the 
structures,  whose  ruins  now  mark  the  site,  were  built 
long  after  that  date.  One  destruction  of  the  city  is 
mentioned  in  the  traditions.  As  will  appear  in  a 
subsequent  chapter,  there  are  some  reasons  for  be 
lieving  that  the  Itzaes  came  to  this  locality  from  the 
Peten  region  further  south. 


Chichen-Itza<  Tikal  and  Copan.  303 

As  the  remains  of  Palenque,  Uxmal  and  Chichen- 
Itza  indicate  the  leading  architectural  types  of  Cen 
tral  America,  brief  references  only  will  be  made  to 
some  of  the  particular  features  of  the  remainder  of 
this  district. 

Extensive  ruins  have  been  discovered  at  Tikal  r 
about  twenty  miles  north-east  of  Peten,  which  are  in 
some  respects  remarkable.  One  of  the  pyramids,  in 
cluding  its  superstructure  of  three  stories,  measured, 
according  to  Maudslay  (probably  up  the  slope) ,  nearly 
300  feet,  which,  with  its  fine  wood  and  stone  carvings, 
this  explorer  thinks  "must  have  taken  hundreds  of 
active  minds  and  thousands  of  skilled  hands  to  have 
raised  and  perfected  and  kept  in  order."  Here,  as  at 
Copan,  some,  at  least,  of  the  pyramids  are  carried  up 
in  great  steps.  Here  also  has  been  found  the  finest 
native  wood-carving  of  America,  so  far  as  known. 
The  chief  features  of  this  magnificent  sculpture,  which 
the  size  of  our  page  will  not  permit  us  to  introduce, 
are  an  enormous  arched  and  profusely  ornamented 
serpent,  holding  between  its  expanded  jaws  a  human 
form  with  lofty  head-dress ;  and  beneath  the  serpent 
fold,  a  standing  human  figure  with  shield  on  the  left 
arm  and  holding  a  staff  or  lance  in  the  right  hand. 
This  figure  is  literally  enveloped  in  ornaments.  In 
the  upper  right  and  left-hand  corners  are  several 
columns  of  hieroglyphs  skillfully  and  accurately 
carved,  among  which  can  be  easily  recognized  day 
symbols  with  numerals  attached,  showing  not  only 
the  forms  found  at  Palenque  and  in  the  manuscripts, 
though  more  ornamental,  but  indicating  also  precisely 
the  same  order  in  counting  the  day  series. 

The  ruins   at  Quirigua,  on  Rio  Motagua,  eastern 


304  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Guatemala,  which  have  been  explored  and  described 
by  Mr.  Maudslay,  may  be  briefly  summarized  as  fol 
lows  :  Numerous  square  or  oblong  mounds  and  ter 
races,  varying  in  height  from  six  to  forty  feet,  some 
isolated,  others  clustered  in  irregular  groups,  most  of 
which  are  faced  with  worked  stone,  and  were  ascended 
by  flights  of  stone  steps.  Some  thirteen  or  more 
large  carved  monoliths,  arranged  irregularly  around 
what  were  probably  the  most  important  plazas  of  the 
city  or  pueblo.  Six  of  these  monuments  are  tall  stones 
measuring  three  to  five  feet  square  and  standing  four 
teen  to  twenty  feet  out  of  the  ground.  Five  are 
oblong  or  rounded  blocks  of  stone,  shaped  so  as  to  repre 
sent  huge  turtles  or  armadillos  or  some  such  animals. 
All  these  monoliths  are  covered  with  elaborate  carvings  ; 
usually,  on  the  front  and  back  of  the  taller  ones,  there 
is  carved  a  huge  human  figure  standing  full-face  in  a 
stiff  and  conventional  attitude.  The  sides  of  these 
monuments  are  covered  with  tables  of  hieroglyphs, 
and  in  addition  to  these  tables  of  hieroglyphs  there 
are  series  of  squares  or  cartouches  of  what  appears  to 
be  actual  picture  writing,  each  division  measuring 
about  eighteen  inches  square,  and  containing  usually 
two  or  three  grotesque  figures  of  men  and  animals. 
Some  of  the  figures  in  these  monoliths  appear  to  be 
females.  The  hieroglyphs  are  of  the  same  type  as 
those  already  mentioned,  the  day  symbols  and  numer 
als,  so  far  as  determinable,  being  similar  to  those  at 
Tikal. 

Hundreds  of  ruins,  many  of  them  interesting,  are 
scattered  over  Chiapas,  Guatemala  and  Honduras. 
Quite  a  number  of  these  have  recently  been  examined 
by  Dr.  Carl  Sapper,  whose  drawings,  showing  the 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  305 

ground  plans  of  the  structures,  with  brief  explanatory 
notes,  make  it  evident  that  they  are,  in  arrangement 
and  general  character,  substantially  of  the  Copan 
type.  For  this  reason,  a  brief  account  of  this  impor 
tant  type  is  given  before  closing  the  descriptive  por 
tion  of  our  work. 

These  ruins  are  situated  within  the  boundary  of 
Honduras,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  directly 
south  of  Quirigua,  a  portion  of  the  area  being  bounded 
by  Copan  river.  Fortunately  for  students,  a  descrip 
tion  of  these  ruins,  written  as  early  as  1576  by  Diego 
de  Palacio,  has  been  preserved,  which  Mr.  Maudslay, 
who  has  devoted  much  time  in  exploring  the  ruins, 
considers  more  than  ordinarily  trustworthy  for  the 
time  it  was  written,  as  he  remarks  :  "This  description 
is  such  a  one  as  might  have  been  written  by  any  in 
telligent  visitor  within  even  the  last  few  years."  It 
is  as  follows  : 

"Near  here,  on  the  road  to  the  city  of  San  Pedro, 
in  the  first  town  within  the  province  of  Honduras, 
called  Copan,  are  certain  ruins  and  vestiges  of  a  great 
population  and  of  superb  edifices,  of  such  skill  and 
splendor  that  it  appears  they  could  never  have  been 
built  by  the  natives  of  that  province.  They  are 
found  on  the  banks  of  a  beautiful  river,  in  an  exten 
sive  and  well-chosen  plain,  temperate  in  climate,  fer 
tile  and  abounding  in  fish  and  game.  Amongst  the 
ruins  are  mounds  which  appear  to  have  been  made 
by  the  hand  of  man,  as  well  as  many  other  remarka 
ble  things. 

"Before  arriving  at  them,  we  find  the  remains  of 
thick  walls,  and  a  great  eagle  in  stone,  having  on  its 
20 


306  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

breast  a  tablet  a  yard  square,  and  on  it  certain  char^ 
acters  which  are  not  understood.  On  arriving  at  the 
ruins,  we  find  another  stone  in  the  form  of  a  giant, 
which  the  elders  among  the  Indians  aver  was  the 
guardian  of  the  sanctuary.  Entering  the  ruins,  we  find 
a  cross  of  stone,  three  palms  in  height,  with  one  of 
the  arms  broken  off.  Further  on,  we  come  to  ruins, 
and  among  them,  stones  sculptured  with  much  skill ; 
also  a  great  statue,  more  than  four  yards  in  height, 
which  resembles  a  bishop  in  his  pontifical  robes  with 
a  well-wrought  miter  (on  his  head)  and  rings  on  his 
fingers. 

"Near  this  is  a  well-built  plaza  (or  square),  with 
steps,  such  as  writers  tell  us  are  in  the  Coliseum  at 
Rome.  In  some  places  there  are  eighty  steps,  in  part 
at  least,  of  fine  stone,  finished  and  laid  with  much 
skill. 

"In  this  square  are  six  great  statues,  three  repre 
senting  men,  covered  with  mosaic  work,  and  with 
garters  round  their  legs,  their  weapons  covered  with 
ornaments  ;  and  the  other  two  of  women,  with  long 
robes  and  head-dress  in  the  Roman  style.  The  re 
maining  statue  is  of  a  bishop,  who  appears  to  hold  in 
his  hand  a  box  or  small  coffer.  They  seem  to  have  been 
idols,  for  in  front  of  each  of  them  is  a  large  stone, 
with  a  small  basin  and  a  channel  cut  in  it,  where 
they  executed  the  victim  and  blood  flowed  off.  We 
found,  also,  small  altars  used  for  burning  incense. 
In  the  center  of  the  square  is  a  large  basin  of  stone 
which  appears  to  have  been  used  for  baptism,  and  in 
which,  also,  sacrifices  may  have  been  made  in  com 
mon.  After  passing  this  square,  we  ascend  by  a 
great  number  of  steps  to  a  high  place,  which  appears. 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  307 

to  have  been  devoted  to  mitotes  and  other  cere 
monies  ;  it  seems  to  have  been  constructed  with  the 
greatest  care,  for  through  the  whole  of  it  there  can 
still  be  found  stone  excellently  worked.  On  one  side 
of  this  structure  is  a  tower  or  terrace,  very  high,  and 
overhanging  the  river  which  flows  at  its  base. 

"Here  a  large  piece  of  the  wall  has  fallen,  exposing 
the  entrance  to  two  caves  or  passages  extending  under 
the  structure,  very  long  and  narrow  and  well  built. 
I  was  not  able  to  discover  for  what  they  served  or  why 
they  were  constructed.  There  is  a  grand  stairway 
descending  by  a  great  number  of  steps  to  the  river. 
Besides  these  things,  there  are  many  others  which 
prove  that  here  was  formerly  the  seat  of  a  great  power 
and  a  great  population,  civilized  and  considerably  ad 
vanced  in  the  arts,  as  is  shown  in  the  various  figures 
and  building. 

"I  endeavored  with  all  possible  care  to  ascertain 
from  the  Indians,  through  the  traditions  derived  from 
the  ancients,  what  people  lived  here,  or  w^hat  they 
knew  or  had  heard  from  their  ancestors  concerning 
them.  But  they  had  no  books  relating  to  their  an 
tiquities,  nor  do  I  believe  that  in  all  this  district  there 
is  more  than  one,  which  I  possess.  They  say  that  in 
ancient  times  there  came  from  Yucatan  a  great  lord, 
who  built  these  edifices,  but  that  at  the  end  of  some 
years  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  leaving  them 
entirely  deserted. 

"And  this  is  what  appears  most  likely,  for  tradition 
says  the  people  of  Yucatan  in  time  past  conquered  the 
provinces  of  Uyajal,  Lacandon,  Verapaz,  Chiquimula 
and  Copan,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  Apay  language, 
which  is  spoken  here,  is  current  and  understood  in 


308 


Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


Yucatan  and    the    aforesaid    provinces.     It    appears, 
also,  that  the  design  of  these  edifices  is  like  that  of 

I 


a 

.^  a 
& 


those  which  the  Spaniards  first  discovered  in  Yucatan 
and  Tabasco,  where  there  were  figures  of  bishops  and 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  309 

armed  men  and  crosses.  And  as  such  things  are 
found  nowhere  except  in  the  aforesaid  places,  it  may 
well  be  believed  that  the  builders  of  all  were  of  the 
same  nation." 

The  chief  interest  of  archaeologists  in  these  ruins 
has  always  attached  to  the  sculptured  monoliths  scat 
tered  amid  the  crumbling  structures,  some  fallen,  but 
most  still  standing  as  silent  watchers  of  the  scene  of 
former  glory  in  which  they  played,  perhaps, an  impor 
tant  part.  These,  however,  are  exceeded  in  impor 
tance  as  archaeological  remains  by  the  other  monu 
ments.  A  ground  plan  of  the  main  group  of  works 
is  shown  in  Fig.  107.  The  whole  of  this  area  is  ele 
vated,  the  larger  inner  courts  or  spaces  being  on  the 
first  general  level.  On  this  as  a  base  arise  the  various 
pyramids  and  terraces  shown  in  the  figure,  most  or 
all  of  which  were  crowned  with  buildings,  now  but 
heaps  of  ruins  or  fallen  away  down  the  slopes.  The 
section  (Fig.  108)  shows  the  elevation  of  this  assem- 


Fig.  108.     Vertical  section,    main  group,  Copan. 

blage    of   pyramids    and    terraces.     There    are    other 
groups  of  less  extent  not  included  in  the  plan. 

Although  but  small  portions  of  walls  have  been  dis 
covered,  sufficient  examples  of  ornamentation  have 
been  found  to  show  that  art  had  reached  here  as  ad 
vanced  stage  as  at  any  other  point  in  Central  America. 
Among  those  discovered,  the  following  may  be  men 
tioned  as  indicating  the  type :  The  highly  orna 
mented  monoliths  showing  human  forms  flanked  by 


310  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

hieroglyphic  inscriptions  have  become  well  known 
through  Stephens 's  work.  An  inner  step  is  men 
tioned  which  has  carved  on  it  a  number  of  human 
figures  seated  cross-legged  and  covered  with  elaborate 
breast-plates  and  other  ornaments.  A  carved  orna 
ment,  made  up  of  several  stones  let  into  the  wall, 
rises  from  this  step  on  each  side  of  the  doorway  and 
reaches  the  top  of  the  wall.  This  appears  to  be  the 
conventionalized  form  of  the  serpent  head,  which  is 
repeated  in  other  parts  of  the  group.  Above  this 
ornament,  and  extending  several  feet  each  side  of  the 
doorway,  runs  an  elaborate  cornice,  ornamented  with 
seated  human  figures  and  hieroglyphs  carved  in 
medium  relief.  Many  of  the  steps  bear  inscriptions  ; 
one  is  ornamented  with  a  row  of  teeth,  others  with 
human  figures.  In  one  place  the  space  between 
flights  is  covered  with  sculptures,  among  which  are 
rows  of  death's  heads.  One  of  the  altars  which 
stand  before  the  monoliths  is  a  great  carved  turtle. 
At  points  human  and  grotesque  heads  are  built  into 
the  wall ;  elsewhere  are  seen  human  figures  seated  on 
huge  skulls,  and  what  Mr.  Maudslay,  for  want  of  a 
more  definite  name,  terms  serpent  men. 

The  interior  of  the  mounds  and  terraces  is  chiefly 
rubble,  similar  to  that  found  in  the  Yucatec  struct 
ures,  but,  seemingly  for  the  purpose  of  giving  addi 
tional  strength,  they  have  here  interior  supporting 
walls  buttressed  by  the  mass  of  the  slopes,  which  are 
faced  with  cut  stones. 

It  is  evident,  even  from  the  very  brief  notice  given 
here,  that  these  ruins  mark  one  of  the  most  important 
centers  of  population  in  Central  America,  a  place 
where  native  art  had  reached,  perhaps,  its  most  ad- 


Chichen-Itza,  Tikal  and  Copan.  311 

vanced  stage  in  North  America.  The  absence  in  the 
figures  and  decorations  of  armed  warriors  or  war-like 
scenes  indicates  a  condition  of  peace,  but  this  fact 
does  not  prove,  as  Mr.  Maudslay  thinks,  that  aban 
donment  of  this  and  other  cities  found  in  ruins  at  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards  was  not  in  consequence  of 
war  among  the  tribes.  That  the  people  were  "in  a 
state  of  decadence,  and  that  they  had  almost  ceased 
.to  be  builders,"  as  he  contends,  is  probably  true,  but 
this  condition  was  most  likely  brought  about  by  op 
pression  of  rulers  and  intertribal  strife. 

Passing  into  Nicaragua,  the  objects  of  chief  interest 
to  the  archaeologist, which  have  been  discovered,  are 
rudely  carved  monoliths  representing  human  and  ani 
mal  forms  combined,  the  animal,  usually  alligator-like 
in  form,  holding  the  head  of  the  human  figure  in  its 
great  jaws.  But  the  description  of  these  and  numer 
ous  other  interesting  remains  of  this  region  must  be 
omitted,  as  our  allotted  space  will  not  admit  of  further 
additions  to  this  branch  of  our  work. 


312  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

MIGRATIONS    OF    THE    MEXICAN   AND    CENTRAL  AMERICAN 

TRIBES. 

The  discussion  of  the  prehistoric  movements  of  the 
Mexican  and  Central  American  tribes  is  introduced  at 
this  point  because  of  the  necessary  and  frequent  ref 
erence  to  the  conclusion  on  this  subject  in  discussing 
the  origin  and  growth  of  the  native  so-called  civiliza 
tion.  In  fact,  the  conclusion  reached  in  regard  to  the 
origin  and  development  of  this  advanced  culture,  and 
in  regard  to  other  questions  relating  to  the  past  his 
tory  of  the  tribes  of  this  section,  will  depend  to  a  very 
large  degree  upon  the  opinion  formed  respecting  the 
prehistoric  movements  of  these  tribes. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  movements 
of  population  in  that  part  of  the  Pacific  division  north 
of  Mexico,  which  were  found  to  be  in  most  cases 
southward.  The  conclusion  reached  as  to  the  exist 
ence  of  two  great,  distinct  culture  groups,  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific,  implies  that  the  general  or  more  exten 
sive  movements  on  the  western  side  were  parallel 
with  its  mountain  ranges — that  is,  north  or  south — 
and  not  to  or  from  the  east.  It  is  clear  that  the 
course  of  migration,  so  far  as  influenced  by  the  phys 
ical  features,  was  north  or  south. 

Whatever  be  the  theory  of  the  original  introduction 
of  population  into  the  continent,  it  must  be  conceded 
that  its  spread  over  it  was  through  growth  in  num- 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  313 

bers,  expansion  and  migration.  Although  it  is  quite 
probable  there  was  a  greater  degree  of  permanency 
among  the  American  aborigines  than  has  been  gen 
erally  supposed,  yet  it  is  evident  that  the  distribution 
of  population  could  have  taken  place  only  through 
migration,  though  this  was  a  slow  process  and  may 
have  been  merely  the  gradual  extension  of  the  grow 
ing  and  swelling  mass.*  However,  the  wide  separa 
tion  of  the  members  of  some  of  the  stocks  indicate 
extensive  movements  in  the  past.  Migration  is  there 
fore  a  necessary  factor  in  the  problem,  and  it  must  be 
assumed  that  every  group  of  population,  every  stock 
and  tribe,  has  come  to  its  historic  seat  from  some  other 
point.  Not  that  all  such  movements  were  necessarily 
by  stocks  or  tribes,  as  there  were  doubtless  numerous 
centers  of  development  in  some  of  which  the  original 
germs  may  have  been  but  feeble  bands,  or  a  few  families 
which  pushed  their  way  in  advance  of  the  tribe  or  clan 
and  wandered  into  other  sections .  Sir  John  Lubbock  re 
marks  that  "It  is  too  often  supposed  that  the  world  was 
peopled  by  a  series  of  migrations .  But  migrations ,  prop 
erly  so  called,  are  compatible  only  with  a  comparatively 
high  state  of  organization.  Moreover,  it  has  been  ob 
served  that  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  various 
races  of  man  curiously  coincides  with  that  of  other 
races  of  animals,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he 
originally  crept  over  the  earth's  surface  little  by  little, 
year  by  year — just,  for  instance,  as  the  weeds  of  Eu 
rope  are  now  gradually  but  surely  creeping  over  the 
surface  of  Australia."  However,  as  the  only  reason 


*  For  an  explanation  of  this  and  other  similar  expressions  see  the 
closing  chapter. 


314          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

for  presenting  these  thoughts  is  conceded — to  wit, 
that  migration  in  some  form  is  a  necessary  factor  in 
the  problem — we  may  proceed  on  this  admitted  basis 
to  a  discussion  of  the  probable  course  of  migration  in 
the  southern  portion  of  the  division. 

The  fact  already  noticed,  that  the  data  bearing 
upon  the  question  indicate  that  the  general  move 
ments  north  of  Mexico  were  southward,  leads  to  the 
inference  that  the  general  trend  in  Mexico  was  in  the 
same  direction,  which  conclusion  is  justified  unless 
some  valid  reason  can  be  offered  for  believing  that 
the  order  was  reversed  in  this  southern  region.  It 
must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  theory  of  a  re 
verse  movement  in  this  region  has  been  advanced  by 
several  authors.  Hubert  Bancroft  emphasizes  this 
opinion  in  his  ''Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,'' 
as  follows  : 

"First,  as  already  stated,  the  Maya  and  Nahua 
nations  have  been  within  traditionally  historic  times 
practically  distinct,  although  coming  constantly  in 
contact.  Second,  this  fact  is  directly  opposed  to  the 
once  accepted  theory  of  a  civilized  people,  coming 
from  the  far  north,  gradually  moving  southward  with 
frequent  halts,  constantly  increasing  in  power  and 
culture  until  the  highest  point  of  civilization  was 
reached  in  Chiapas,  Honduras,  and  Yucatan,  or  as 
many  believed,  in  South  America,  Third,  the  theory 
alluded  to  is  rendered  altogether  untenable  by  the 
want  of  ruins  in  California  and  the  great  north-west ; 
by  the  utter  want  of  resemblance  between  New  Mexi 
can  and  Mexican  monuments ;  by  the  failure  to  dis 
cover  either  Aztec  or  Maya  dialects  in  the  north  ;  and 
finally  the  strong  contrasts  between  the  Nahuas  and 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  315 

Mayas,  both  in  language  and  in  monuments  of  an 
tiquity.  Fourth,  the  monuments  of  the  south  are  not 
only  different  from  but  much  more  ancient  than  those 
of  Anahuac,  and  can  not  possibly  have  been  built  by 
the  Toltecs  after  their  migration  from  Anahuac  in  the 
eleventh  century,  even  if  such  a  migration  took  place. 
Fifth,  these  monuments,  like  those  of  the  north,  were 
built  by  the  ancestors  of  the  people  found  in  posses 
sion  of  the  country  at  the  Conquest,  and  not  by  an 
extinct  race  or  in  remote  antiquity.  Sixth,  the  cities 
of  Palenque,  Ococingo  and  Copan,  at  least,  were  un 
occupied  when  the  Spaniards  came,  the  natives  of  the 
neighboring  region  knew  nothing  of  their  origin,  even 
if  they  were  aware  of  their  existence,  and  no  notice 
whatever  of  the  existence  of  such  cities  appears  in  the 
annals  of  the  surrounding  civilized  nations  during  the 
eight  or  nine  centuries  preceding  the  Conquest ;  that 
is,  the  nation  that  built  Palenque  was  not  one  of  those 
found  by  Europeans  in  the  country,  but  its  greatness 
had  practically  departed  before  the  rise  of  the  Quiche, 
Cakchiquel  and  Yucatan  powers.  Seventh,  the  many 
resemblances  that  have  been  noted  between  Nahua  and 
Maya  beliefs,  institutions,  arts  and  relics,  may  be 
consistently  accounted  for  by  the  theory  that  at  some 
period  long  preceding  the  sixth  century,  the  two 
peoples  were  practically  one  so  far  as  their  institutions 
were  concerned,  although  they  are  of  themselves  not 
sufficient  to  prove  the  theory.  Eighth,  the  oldest  civili 
zation  in  America  which  has  left  any  traces  for  our 
consideration,  whatever  may  have  been  its  prehistoric 
origin,  was  that  in  the  Usumacinta  region  represented 
by  the  Palenque  group  of  ruins.'' 

That-  several  of  the  statements  made  in  this  quota- 


316  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

tion  are  incorrect  and  others  are  not  sustained  by 
subsequent  investigations  will  appear  from  the  data 
presented  in  this  work.  J.  D.  Baldwin  expresses 
substantially  the  same  opinion  in  his  "Ancient 
America:"  it  was  also  held  by  J.  W.  Foster,  Squier 
and  some  other  authors.  On  the  other  hand  the  pre 
vailing  opinion  among  scholars  of  the  present  day,  so 
far  as  published,  appears  to  be  that  the  Nahuatl  group 
originated  in,  or  at  least  came  from  someplace  north  of 
the  known  localities  of  the  tribes  composing  the  family. 
In  confirmation  of  the  latter  opinion,  the  following  con 
siderations  are  offered  in  addition  to  the  incidental 
notes  bearing  on  the  subject  in  preceding  chapters. 

If  Buschmann  be  correct  in  uniting  the  Ute  or 
Shoshone  group  of  dialects  with  and  making  them  a 
part  of  the  Nahuatl  or  Mexican  stock,  named  by  Dr. 
Brinton  the  "Uto-Aztecan  Stock,"  we  have,  in  the 
spread  of  this  extensive  family,  what  would  seem  to 
be  incontrovertible  evidence  of  the  tendency  in  this 
western  section  to  southern  movements.  Members  of 
this  family  are  scattered  from  the  vicinity  of  Columbia 
river  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  :  and  so  far  as  any 
evidence  has  been  found  in  regard  to  the  movements 
of  the  tribes,  it  indicates  they  were  southward. 
Offshoots  from  the  Aztec  group  are  found  southward 
in  Guatemala,  Nicaragua  and  the  borders  of  the  Isth 
mus  :  and  the  movement  of  the  Shoshones,  so  far  as 
known,  has  been  in  the  same  general  direction.  The 
Comanches,  the  most  south-eastern  Shoshonean  branch, 
and  the  only  one  which  has  come  down  east  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  have  a  distinct  tradition  that  some  two  hun 
dred  and  thirty  or  forty  winters  ago  they  lived  as  one 
people  with  the  Shoshones  somewhere  to  the  north  of 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  317 

the  headwaters  of  the  Arkansas  river.  Dr.  Gibbs  is 
inclined  from  his  investigations  to  the  belief  that  this 
group  has  moved  south  and  west,  and  suggests  that 
they  came  from  the  eastern  side  of  the  Rocky  Mount 
ains  by  way  of  the  northern  passes,  in  which  he  is 
probably  correct,  as  the  indications,  the  closer  they 
are  studied,  seem  to  point  to  the  great  region  west  of 
Hudson's  Bay  as  the  point  of  dispersion  from  which  two 
streams  issued.  Parted  by  the  desert  plains  to  the 
south,  one  turned  south-eastward  and  poured  into  the 
Atlantic  division,  the  other  coursing  south  for  a  dis- 

O 

tance  along  the  east  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
turned  westward,  and  crossing  over  the  passes  flowed 
southward  along  the  intermontane  valleys. 

Mrc  Gatschet  remarks  (Appendix  to  Vol.  VII,  U.S. 
Geog.  Surv.  100th  Meridian) ,  when  speaking  of  the 
relation  of  the  Shoshone  and  Aztec  groups:  "From 
all  that,  it  would  be,  nevertheless,  preposterous  to  con 
clude  that  the  Aztec  civilization  came  from  the  north  ; 
but  we  gain  the  evidence  that  the  originators  of  the 
national  Aztec  legend,  which  professes  this  people  to 
have  issued  from  seven  caves  in  the  north,  were  cogni 
zant  of  the  affinity  of  their  nation  with  some  tribes 
living  north  of  Anahuac.'  It  is  true  that  it  does  not 

o 

necessarily  follow  from  the  relationship  of  the  northern 
tribes  with  those  of  the  south,  that  the  civilization  of 
the  latter  came  from  the  north,  or  that  the  movement 
was  southward,  as  the  inception  of  this  advanced  cul 
ture  which,  in  accordance  with  popular  usage,  we  speak 
of  as  "  civilization,"  may  have  been  due  to  some  cause 
or  impetus  which  did  not  exist  in  the  northern  section. 
There  is,  however,  in  the  distribution  of  this  civiliza 
tion,  in  respect  to  the  widely  scattered  members  of  the 


318  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

great  family,  a  strong  and  apparently  conclusive  argu 
ment  in  favor  of  the  theory  of  a  general  southern  move 
ment.  As  the  members  south  of  Anahuac  share,  to  a 
great  degree,  this  civilization,  in  its  most  advanced 
form,  while  those  north  of  Mexico  do  not,  it  would  seem 
that  the  only  explanation  of  this  fact  is  that  the  move 
ment  was  from  the  north  toward  the  south. 

The  uniform  tradition  of  all  the  tribes  of  this  stock 
in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  so  far  as  they  were  obtained 
by  the  early  missionaries,  was,  according  to  Father 
Perez  de  Ribas,  who  made  a  careful  collection  of  the 
legends,  to  the  effect  that  their  ancestors  had  migrated 
from  localities  further  to  the  north.  The  conclusion 
reached  by  Mr.  Bandelier,  who  visited  that  section 
and  investigated  the  subject  somewhat  carefully,  was 
io.  conformity  with  this  tradition.  It  is  also  well 
known,  as  mentioned  in  the  quotation  from  Prescott's 
work,  that  the  Mexican  or  Nahuatl  tradition  in  regard 
to  their  former  home  is,  that  their  ancestors  came 
from  some  locality  in  the  north  or  north-west,  agreeing 
therein  with  the  linguistic  evidence.  The  general 
consensus  of  opinion  among  scholars  of  the  present 
day,  so  far  as  published,  is  in  conformity  with  this  tradi 
tion,  and  may  be  accepted  as  probably  the  correct  view. 
The  discussion  may  therefore  be  limited  to  the  migra 
tions  of  the  other  stocks  of  this  section,  especially  those 
of  the  Mayas,  in  regard  to  which  there  still  appears  to 
be  some  difference  of  opinion,  though  their  northern 
origin  is  generally  conceded. 

The  Zapotecs  and  Mixtecs,  closely  affiliated  tribes, 
whose  territory  is  embraced  chiefly  in  the  state  of 
Oaxaca,  must  be  classed  among  the  earliest  inhabitants 
of  the  southern  half  of  Mexico.  It  is  not  improbable 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  319 

that  the  oldest  evidences  of  Mexican  civilization  are 
to  be  found  here.  Their  early  history,  however,  is 
almost  a  blank,  as  they  have  neither  records  nor  reli 
able  traditions  which  refer  to  their  origin,  their  mi 
grations  or  first  settlement  in  this  region.  Charney 
says  they  believed  themselves  to  be  autochthones,  that 
they  are  ignorant  of  their  origin,  and  have  preserved 
no  record  of  the  time  when  they  established  them 
selves  in  the  country.  Torquemada  ("Monarchia") 
mentions  a  story  which  relates  that  they  were  refugees 
from  Cholula.  Notwithstanding  the  radical  differ 
ences  in  the  languages  of  the  two  peoples,  most  of 
the  old  writers  connect  them  with  the  Nahuatl  stock. 
It  is  stated  by  some  authorities  that  they  formerly  in 
habited  the  region  of  Puebla,  together  with  the 
Olmecs  and  Xicalancas.  Sahagun  says  they  were  or 
claimed  to  be  of  Toltec  descent.  It  is  even  averred 
that  Mitla  was  founded  by  the  disciples  of  Quetzalcoatl. 
The  Mixtecs,  according  to  some  writers,  derived  their 
name  from  Mixtecatl,  one  of  the  seven  leaders  who 
tradition  says  started  out  from  Chicomoztoc,  "the 
seven  caves"  in  the  far  north. 

Notwithstanding  this  uncertainty  in  regard  to  these 
tribes,  there  are  some  grounds  for  assuming  that 
they  came  from  the  north,  as  all  the  other  tribes  of 
the  western  part  of  Mexico.  First,  the  fact  that  such 
w^as  the  general  course  of  the  migration  of  the  tribes 
of  this  section  would,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence 
on  the  point,  lead  to  this  conclusion  ;  second,  the  evi 
dence  of  long  contact  with  the  Mexicans  adds  support 
to  this  belief ;  and  third,  as  shown  in  preceding  and 
following  chapters,  there  is  monumental  evidence 
justifying  the  belief  that  they  were  for  a  time  located 


320  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

as  far  north  as  Zacatecas,  and  none  indicating  a 
southern  origin. 

The  small  tribes  known  as  the  Zoques  and  the 
Mixes  or  Mijes,  wedged  in  between  the  Zapotecs  and 
tribes  of  Chiapas,  are  supposed  by  some  authorities 
to  have  been  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  Oaxacan 
region,  and  their  dim  traditions  point  southward, 
especially  to  southern  Chiapas,  as  the  place  of  their 
former  home,  from  whence  they  were  driven  by  the 
Chapanecs.  The  origin  of  the  Chapanecs  is  variously 
given . 

According  to  one  tradition,  they  came  to  Chiapas  from 
Nicaragua,  and,  having  driven  out  the  Zoques,  occu 
pied  the  country.  The  generally  received  opinion,  how 
ever,  is  that  held  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  Garcia,  and 
other  writers,  which  assumes,  as  the  more  authentic 
tradition,  that  which  says,  they  moved  down  from  a 
more  northern  region,  following  the  Pacific  coast  until 
they  came  to  Soconusco,  where  they  divided,  one  part 
entering  the  mountains  of  Chiapas,  the  other  part 
going  on  southward  to  Nicaragua,  where  they  have 
been  found  under  the  name  of  Mangues,  along  the 
shores  of  Lake  Managua.  The  various  tribes  of  the 
Nahuatl  or  Mexican  stock  found  in  Guatemala,  Nica 
ragua,  and  other  parts  of  Central  America,  have,  ac 
cording  to  their  traditions  so  far  as  given,  and  as 
is  now  generally  conceded,  migrated  from  some 
region  as  far  north  at  least  as  central  Mexico.  It 
would  seem,  therefore,  from  the  evidence,  that  the 
tribes  and  stocks  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  un 
less  the  members  of  the  Mayan  stock  form  an  excep 
tion,  migrated  in  prehistoric  times  from  more  northern 
localities  than  those  they  were  found  occupying  at  the 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  321 

coming  of  the  Spaniards.  We  turn,  there ro re,  to  the 
history  and  traditions  of  this  stock. 

Positive  evidence  of  minor  movements  and  pre 
historic  shif tings  among  the  tribes  of  this  family  is 
found  in  their  geographic  distribution  at  the  time  of 
discovery,  a  number  being  scattered  over  Guatemala, 
others  in  Chiapas,  on  the  Rio  Lacandon,  in  the  pe 
ninsula  of  Yucatan,  and  on  Panuco  river,  north  of 
Vera  Cruz.  Nevertheless,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Huastecan  offshoot  on  the  Rio  Panuco,  they  form 
a  somewhat  geographically  compact  body  as  com 
pared  with  the  scattered  members  of  the  Nahuatl 
stock.  The  rugged  range  of  mountains  which  sepa 
rates  the  eastern  and  western  groups  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  an  effective  barrier  to  prehistoric  migra 
tions. 

As  the  characteristics  of  the  languages  of  a  stock  af 
fords,  as  we  have  seen,  great  assistance  in  tracing 
the  movements,  and  hence  to  a  certain  extent  the 
history  of  the  tribes  of  a  stock,  we  call  attention 
here  to  the  classification  of  the  languages  of  the 

O  O 

Mayan  family  so  far  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
refer  to  them.  Omitting  some  of  minor  importance, 
the  following  are  perhaps  all  the  tribes  of  the  family 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to.  Their  respective 
localities  are  also  given  ; 

Huastecas,  on  Rio  Panuco,  north  of  Vera  Cruz, 
f  Mayas  (proper)  in  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan. 
Tyj  J  Tzentals,  in  southern  Tabasco  and  eastern  Chiapas. 

|  Tzotzils  in  Chiapas,  near  the  Tzentals. 
t  Lacandons,  on  the  upper  Usumacinta. 
21 


322  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

Mams,  in  extreme  western  Guatemala. 
Quiches,  in  Guatemala,  immediately  east  of 

the  Mams. 
Cakchiquels,    in    Guatemala,    immediately 

south-east  of  the  Quiches. 
Mam-Quiche   group.      Pokonchi)  in  central  Guatemala,  adjoining 

the  Quiches  on  the  north. 
Tzutuhils,  a  little  tribe  wedged  in  between 

the  Quiches  and  Cakchiquels. 
Pokomams,  in  southern  Guatemala,  directly 

east  of  the  Cakchiquels. 

Otto  Stoll,  one  of  the  latest  and  most  reliable  au 
thorities  on  the  ethnology  of  this  family,  divides  it 
linguistically  into  three  chief  branches  :  the  Huaste- 
can,  which  is  placed  at  the  head  as  the  oldest  dialect, 
constitutes  the  first ;  the  Maya  group,  the  second 
branch,  standing  next  in  age  and  relationship  to 
Huasteca ;  the  Mam-Quiche  group,  the  members  of 
which  are  located  in  Guatemala,  constituting  the  third 
branch . 

It  must  be  remembered  also  that  it  was  among  the 
people  of  the  Mayan  stock  pre-Columbian  culture 
in  America  reached  its  most  advanced  position  ;  and 
that,  in  studying  the  movements  of  the  various  tribes 
and  their  final  settlement  in  their  historic  seats,  we 
are  in  truth  studying  their  history  and  the  history  of 
the  monuments  of  that  culture  which  remain  for  the 
examination  of  explorers. 

The  history  of  the  Mayas  and  Mexicans  has  been 
so  overloaded  with  tradition,  idle  tales,  inventions  of 
imagination  by  the  old  authors,  and  by  the  embellish 
ments  and  theories  of  modern  authorities,  that  it  is 
difficult  to  pick  one's  way  through  the  maze.  It  is 
only  within  the  last  few  years  that  scholars  have  un- 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  323 

dertaken  a  critical  study  of  the  various  problems  re 
lating  thereto.  Our  attempt  at  present  will  be  lim 
ited  to  a  brief  examination  of  the  movements  of  the 
branches  as  arranged  by  Stoll,  and  some  suggestions 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  civilization  of  this  people. 

The  earliest  tradition  of  the  Mayas  proper,  of  Yu 
catan,  in  regard  to  their  origin,  recorded  by  the 
Spanish  authors,  is  that  given  by  Lizana.  He  says 
that  in  their  ancient  language  they  name  the  east  in 
another  manner  from  what  they  do  to-day.  At  the 
present  they  call  the  eastiiHn,  which  is  the  same  as  to 
say  the  place  from  which  the  sun  rises  upon  us.  And 
the  west  they  name  Chikin,  which  is  the  same  as  the 
falling  or  setting  of  the  sun,  or  the  place  where  it 
hides  with  regard  to  us.  "But  in  antiquity  they  said 
of  the  east  Genial,  'little  descent,'  and  of  the  west 
Nohenial,  'great  descent,'  of  the  one  side  (east),  few 
people,  of  the  other  side  (west) ,  the  great  multitude." 
The  historian  Cogolludo,  on  the  other  hand,  while 
giving  the  same  tradition,  concludes  after  some  con 
tradictions,  that  the  colony  from  the  east  must  have 
been  much  more  numerous  and  more  ancient  than  the 
other.  Landa  and  Herrera  record  a  tradition  that  the 
oldest  inhabitants  came  from  the  east,  the  sea  being 
divided  to  afford  them  a  passage.  Some  of  their 
culture  heroes  come  from  one  direction  and  some 
from  the  other.  Itzamna,  the  chief  hero  or  deity  of 
the  Mayas  of  central  Yucatan,  comes  from  the  east, 
dwells  long  in  the  land  and  founds  Izamal.  The 
people  of  Chichen-Itza  had  also  traditions  of  culture 
heroes  :  one  regarding  three  brothers  who  came  from 
the  west  and  gathered  together  the  people  and  ruled 
over  them  :  another,  possibly  connected  with  the  pre- 


324  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

ceding,  tells  of  another  and  greater  hero,  Cukulcan, 
who  came  also  from  the  west  and  ruled  over  the 
Itzaes  and  founded  May  apart.  Whether  the  latter 
came  thither  with  the  people,  or  subsequently,  is  left 
uncertain  by  the  tradition.  Lastly,  we  have  the  myth 
of  Votan,  the  culture  hero  of  the  Tzental  group  already 
referred  to. 

To  what  extent  these  traditions  are  to  be  resolved 
into  light  and  sun  myths  is  a  question  we  shall  not 
undertake  to  decide  at  this  point ;  that  they  had  in 
the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  some  relation  to  their 
origin  and  the  origin  of  their  civilization  can  not  be 
denied.  Fancourt,  in  his  "History  of  Yucatan,"  and 
Dr.  Brinton,  in  the  introduction  to  "The  Maya  Chroni 
cles,"  reject,  no  doubt  correctly,  the  idea  of  an  eastern 
influx,  and  ascribe  the  population  to  immigrants  from 
the  west  and  north-west.  As  this  eastern  descent  has 
connected  with  it  some  miraculous  features,  and  there 
are  no  facts  to  support  or  give  color  to  it,  it  is  perhaps 
wise  to  reject  it  in  toto,  as  has  been  done  by  most  of 
the  recent  authorities.  But  this  does  not  dispose  of 
the  Itzamna  and  Votan  myths. 

It  is  apparent  from  the  physical  features  of  the 
country  that  entrance  into  the  peninsula,  if  not  by 
the  sea,  must  have  been  from  the  south  or  west,  and 
the  most  reliable  traditions  are  consistent  with  this 
fact.  Herrera,  who  copies  Landa,  says:  "Whilst  the 
Cocomes  lived  in  this  regular  manner,  there  came 
from  the  southward  and  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of 
Lecando,  great  numbers  of  people,  looked  upon  for 
certain  to  have  been  of  the  province  of  Chiapa,  who 
traveled  forty  years  about  the  desert  of  Yucatan,  and 
at  length  arrived  at  the  mountains  that  are  almost 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  325 

opposite  to  the  city  of  Mayapan,  where  they  settled 
and  raised  good  structures,  and  the  people  of  Maya- 
pan,  some  years  after,  liking  their  way  of  living,  sent 
to  invite  them  to  build  houses  for  their  lords  in  the 
city.  The  Tutulxiu,  so  the  strangers  were  called, 
accepting  their  courtesy,  came  into  the  city  and  built, 
and  their  people  spread  about  the  country,  submitting 
themselves  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  Mayapan  in 
such  peaceable  manner  that  they  had  no  sort  of 
weapons,  killing  their  game  with  gins  and  traps." 
This,  which  appears  to  relate  to  a  real  occurrence, 
refers  beyond  question  to  the  incursion  mentioned  in 
the  Native  Maya  Chronicles,  which  refer  to  this  mi 
gration  as  "The  departure  made  from  the  land,  from 
the  house  Nonoual,  where  were  the  four  Tutulxiu 
from  Zuiva  at  the  west :  they  come  from  the  land 
Tulapan,  having  formed  a  league." 

It  is  apparent  from  Herrera's  statement  and  from 
the  chronicles  that  the  country  was  already  inhabited 
when  the  Tutulxiu  arrived. 

A  comparison  of  all  the  data  bearing  on  the  subject, 
which  include  not  only  the  traditions,  but  also  the 
linguistic  and  historical  evidence,  the  architectural 
forms,  hieroglyphs,  etc.,  lead  to  the  following  con 
clusion  :  That  the  Tutulxiu,  who  were  still  represented 
at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  came  from  the  region 
of  the  lower  or  middle  Usumacinta,  that  is  to  say, 
some  place  in  Chiapas  or  Tabasco  :  that  previous  to 
this  migration,  the  Itzaes,  who,  as  veritable  history 
informs  us,  at  a  comparatively  recent  date,  moved 
south  to  Lake  Peten,  where  they  were  found  by  Cor- 
tez,  had,  at  a  much  earlier  date  migrated  in  a  body, 
or  sent  a  large  colony  northward  into  the  peninsula, 


326  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology, 

where  they  founded  the  city  of  Chichen-Itza.  This 
coincides  in  the  main,  it  is  believed,  with  the  opinion 
of  most  students  of  the  present  day  who  have  devoted 
attention  to  the  subject. 

It  seems  possible  to  trace  the  Mayan  stock  back 
with  reasonable  certainty  to  central  Mexico.  It  is  prob 
able  that  somewhere  in  that  region  the  family  group 
was  divided  into  two  branches,  one  of  which,  with 
the  Huastecas  in  the  lead,  went  toward  the  east ;  all 
of  the  branch,  however,  except  the  Huastecas,  turn 
ing  southward,  entered  the  valley  of  the  Usumacinta. 
One  offshoot  of  this  branch  moved  on  south-eastward 
to  the  Peten  region,  and  sent  a  colony  northward 
which  founded  Chichen-Itza.  Others  from  the  seats 
in  the  Usumacinta  valley  pushed  their  way  northward 
into  the  peninsula.  The  western  branch,  which  in 
cluded  the  Pokonchi,  Quiche  and  Mam  groups,  moved 
on  at  a  later  date  toward  the  south-east,  stopping  at 
the  "second  Tulan,"  which  the  author  locates,  with 
out  any  attempt  at  exact  definiteness,  in  the  region  of 
northern  Chiapas.  This  was  the  final  point  of  dis 
persion  of  the  western  branch,  from  which  the  tribes 
proceeded  to  their  historic  seats  in  Guatemala. 

It  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that,  although  some 
of  them  were  migrations  in  the  true  sense  of  that  term, 
others  were  more  likely  the  slow  and  gradual  results 
of  growth  and  expansion.  It  seems  quite  probable 
that  before  the  western  branch  had  left  the  region  of 
the  second  Tulan,  that  is  to  say,  the  country  in  and 
about  northern  Chiapas,  the  older  colonies  located  on 
the  Usumacinta  had  grown  in  numbers,  and  gradu 
ally  pushed  their  settlements  into  the  peninsula.  It 
is  also  possible  that  the  eastern  coast,  north  of  Laguna 


Mexican  and  Central  American  Tribes.  327 

de  Terminos,  was  reached  and  occupied  before  Chichen- 
Itza  was  founded.  That  the  people  who  founded 
Chichen-Itza  passed  from  the  region  of  Lorillard  City 
or  the  upper  Usumacinta  to  the  Peten  region,  and 
thence  northward,  appears  to  be  proven  by  the  identity 
of  hieroglyphic  types  heretofore  noted,  and  similari 
ties  in  other  respects. 


328  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

MIGRATIONS    OF    CERTAIN    MAYAN    TRIBES. 

The  Quiche  group,  which  includes  the  Cakchiquels 
and  Tzutuhils,  located  in  Guatemala,  all  claim  to 
have  come  from  some  distant  land  which  was  the 
home  of  their  ancestors  ;  and  related  in  their  tradi 
tions  their  early  wanderings  which  finally  brought 
them  to  their  historic  seats.  In  the  Popol  Vuh  or 
Sacred  Book  of  the  Quiches,  a  native  work,  which  is 
largely  mythical,  it  is  stated  that  they  "came  from 
beyond  the  sea."  After  the  purely  mythological  por 
tion  there  follows  something  like  tradition  in  which  it 
is  said  the  people  multiplied  greatly  in  a  region  called 
the  East,  and  migrated  in  search  of  gods  to  Tulan- 
Zuiva  (the  "seven  caves"),  where  four  gods  were  as 
signed  to  the  four  leaders,  namely  (the  gods)  :  Tohil, 
Avilix,  Hacavitz  and  Nicahtagah.  Here  their  Ian- 

O 

guage  was  changed  or  divided,  and  the  division  into 
separate  nations  was  established.  Suffering  from 
cold,  and  endeavors  to  obtain  fire  while  they  were 
awaiting  the  sun,  are  the  points  most  dwelt  upon 
during  their  stay  at  Tulan.  In  connection  with  these 
trials  they  were  visited  by  an  envoy  from  Xibalba, 
which  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  located  in 
the  region  of  Palenque,  if  not  purely  mythical.  They 
abandoned  or  were  driven  from  Tulan,  and  after  a 
tedious  journey,  including  apparently  a  crossing  of  an 


Migrations  of  Certain  Mayan  Tribes.  329 

arm  of  the  sea,  or  some  water  to  which  this  term  was 
applied,  reached  Mt.  Hacavitz. 

The  tradition  of  the  Cakchiquels  given  in  their 
"Annals,"  also  a  native  work,  is  substantially  the 
same  as  regards  the  points  mentioned.  Their  ances 
tors  are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  other  side  of 
the  sea,  from  the  land  of  Tulan,  where  they  were 
brought  forth.  There  were  four  clans.  "Four  men 
came  from  Tulan  ;  at  the  sunrise  is  one  Tulan,  and 
one  is  at  Xibalbay,  and  one  is  at  the  sunset ;  and  we 
come  from  this  one  at  the  sunset ;  and  one  is  where 
God  is.  Therefore,  there  are  four  Tulans,  they  say, 
oh,  our  sons  ;  from  the  setting  sun  we  came,  from 
Tulan,  from  beyond  the  sea." 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  these  traditions  are 
largely  mixed  with  myth,  and  that  it  is  a  very  difficult 
task  to  pick  out  the  real  from  the  mythological.  Nev 
ertheless,  there  is  a  certain  general  trend  in  all  which 
implies  unity  of  origin  ;  there  are  also  certain  terms 
which  indicate  the  latitude,  the  character  of  the  cli 
mate,  the  country,  etc.  Although  the  incidents  related 
may  be  largely  mythical,  they  apply  only  to  one  re 
gion  of  North  America,  and  show  the  country  in  which 
they  are  supposed  to  have  occurred. 

The  four  Tulans  referred  to  in  the  extract  from  the 
Annals  of  the  Cakchiquels  heretofore  given,  are  men 
tioned  in  the  first  part  of  the  tradition  which  relates 
to  the  origin  of  the  people,  and  may  on  this  account 
be  considered  chiefly  mythical.  There  are,  however, 
repeated  mentions  of  another  Tulan  to  ivliich  they  came 
after  crossing  the  sea,  which  appears  to  be  considered 
by  the  tradition  the  great  and  important  point  in  their 


330  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

migrations.  Numerous  extracts  might  be  given  show 
ing  this,  but  the  following  will  suffice  : 

"They  say  that  the  seven  tribes  arrived  first  at 
Tulan,  and  the  warriors  followed,  having  taken  up 
the  tributes  of  all  the  seven  tribes  when  the  gate  of 
Tulan  was  opened."  "The  Tzutuhils  were  the  first 
of  the  seven  tribes  who  finished  coming  to  Tulan,  and 
then  we  the  warriors  came,  as  they  say."  Here  they 
paid  tribute  of  jade,  silver,  feather  stuffs,  of  "articles 
painted,  articles  sculptured,  astrological  calendars, 
reckoning  calendars,  flute  songs,  songs  hated  of  you 
because  the  seven  tribes  paid  this  tribute."  Again  it 
is  said  :  "First  came  the  Quiche  men  ;  they  acquitted 
themselves  of  their  tribute  in  the  first  month  ;  then 
arrived  their  companions  one  after  another,  by  their 
families,  their  clans,  their  tribes,  their  divisions  in 
sequence,  and  the  warriors,  until  the  whole  of  them 
had  finished  arriving  in  Tulan." 

When  it  is  added  that  numerous  incidents  are  men 
tioned  as  occurring  at  and  during  the  departure  from 
Tulan,  and  that  the  Quiche  tradition,  as  given  in  the 
Popol  Vuh  or  Sacred  Book,  confirms  the  statement, 
that  this  was  also  an  important  point  in  their  migra 
tions,  there  would  appear  to  be  no  good  reason  for 
considering  it  other  than  some  real  locality  which  had 
an  important  place  in  the  history  of  these  tribes.  It 
is  more  than  probable  that  events  w^hich  properly  be 
long  to  widely  different  dates  are  crowded  too  closely 
together,  but  this  does  not  necessarily  invalidate  the 
traditions. 

In  both  traditions,  the  statements  relating  to  this 
Tulan,  which  was,  as  shown  thereby,  the  point  of  the 
dispersion  of  the  tribes,  indicate  a  locality  correspond- 


Migrations  of  Certain  Mayan  Tribes.  331 

ing  in  features  and  characteristics  to  the  Central 
American  region.  Mention  of  the  tapir  limits  the 
territory  in  North  America  to  that  region  south  of 
central  Mexico.  Some  of  the  animals  alluded  to  in 
the  Quiche  legend  as  belonging  to  this  region  are 
found  only  in  this  southern  section.  Among  the  arti 
cles  given  as  tribute  at  Tulan  were  green  feathers 
worked  and  sewed  together,  calendars  and  cacao. 
As  these  references  relate  to  the  time  they  were  at 
Tulan,  w^e  are  justified  in  concluding  that  it  was 
located,  at  least  traditionally,  if  not  really,  in  this 
southern  section. 

As  the  Mams  occupy  the  extreme  western  portion 
of  Guatemala  and  the  Quiches  and  Cakchiquels, 
according  to  the  traditions,  passed  them  in  going 
to  their  seats  in  the  south  central  part  of  Guate 
mala,  they  must  necessarily  have  come  from  some 
place  as  far  north-west  as  Chiapas.  This  agrees 
with  the  statement  by  Orozco  y  Berra  that  they  in 
habited  Soconusco  from  remote  times.  We  thus  es 
tablish  the  direction  of  the  movement  of  the  western 
branch,  as  it  is  impossible,  considering  the  geograph 
ical  positions  of  the  tribes,  to  explain  a  northward 
movement  in  harmony  with  the  statements  of  the  tra 
dition.  As  the  only  probable  and  acceptable  theory 
in  regard  to  the  movements  of  the  peninsular  Mayas 
is  that  they  came  from  the  west  or  south-west,  we 
thus  obtain  two  lines  pointing  toward  the  same  gen 
eral  locality,  southern  or  central  Mexico ;  either 
Oaxaca,  Tabasco,  Puebla,  or  the  region  about  the 
city  of  Mexico.  This  view  is  strengthened  by  some 
additional  data,  which  are  well  worth  considering  in 
this  connection. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  the  key  to  the  puzzle  is  to 


332  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

be  found  in  the  relations  with  and  prehistory  of  the 
Totonacas,  a  well-known  tribe  which  Cortez  first  en 
countered  on  landing  in  Mexico,  and  from  whose  ter 
ritory  he  began  his  celebrated  march  to  the  imperial 
city,  yet  withal  a  mysterious  people,  whose  ethnic 
position  among  the  aboriginal  nations  of  this  region 
has  not,  as  yet,  been  definitely  settled.  At  this  time 
they  occupied  the  country  known  as  Totonicapan,  in 
cluded  in  the  present  state  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  adjoin 
ing  the  territory  of  the  Huastecas.  According  to 
their  traditions,  which  appear  to  have  some  basis 
of  truth,  they  had  resided  there  for  eight  hundred 
years  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  and  had  been 
an  independent  people  up  to  a  few  generations  pre 
ceding  this  coming,  when  they  were  subjugated  by 
the  Mexicans.  They  had  migrated,  according  to 
their  traditions,  from  the  west  and  north-west,  appa 
rently  from  the  interior,  in  the  region  about  the  City 
of  Mexico.  They  claimed  to  have  migrated  from  the 
valley  of  Mexico,  and  to  have  lived  long  near  the 
banks  of  Lake  Tezcuco,  where  they  built  the  pyra 
mids  of  Teotihuacan.  Torquemada,  who  is  the  chief 
authority  for  their  traditions,  says  :  "Of  their  origin, 
they  say  that  they  set  out  from  the  place  called 
Chicomoztoc,  or  'seven  caves,'  together  with  the  Xal- 
panecs ;  and  that  they  were  twenty  divisions,  or 
families,  as  many  of  the  one  as  of  the  other ;  and 
although  thus  divided  into  families,  they  were  all  of 
one  language  and  of  the  same  customs.  They  say 
that  they  started  from  that  place,  leaving  the  Chichi- 
mecs  still  shut  up  there ;  and  they  directed  their 
journey  toward  this  part  of  Mexico,  and  having  ar 
rived  at  the  plains  on  the  lake,  they  halted  at  the 


Migrations  of  Certain  Mayan  Tribes.  333 

place  where  Teotihuacan  now  is  ;  and  they  affirm 
they  built  there  two  temples,  which  were  dedicated  to 
the  sun  and  moon.  Here  they  remained  for  some 
time,  but  either  not  contented  with  the  place,  or  with 
a  desire  to  pass  to  other  places,  they  went  to  Atenami- 
tic,  where  Zacatlan  now  stands."  From  there  they 
drifted  further  eastward,  settling  on  the  coast,  where 
they  were  found  by  the  Spaniards. 

That  they  were  a  primitive — so-called  pre-Toltec,  at 
least  pre- Aztec — nation  in  Anahuac,  is  generally  con 
ceded.  That  they  were  a  cultured  people  is  also  ad 
mitted.  That  the  temples  and  pyramids  of  Teotihua- 
caii  were  built  by  this  people  may  be  doubtful ;  nev 
ertheless,  as  shown  above,  they  do  not  appear  to  be 
Aztecan. 

This  tribe  seems  to  have  been  in  close  relation  with 
the  Huastecas,  nor  is  there  any  valid  reason  why  we 
may  not  infer  that  the  two  peoples  were  together  in 
the  migrations  mentioned.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
are  some  facts  which  favor  this  assumption.  The 
position  of  the  Totonac  language  in  relation  to  the 
Nahuatl  and  Maya  is  yet  an  unsettled  question  among 
linguists.  By  some  it  has  been  joined  to  Nahuatl,  by 
others  to  the  Maya,  but  by  the  latest  authorities  it  is 
considered  as  independent.  Sahagun  says  they 
claimed  relationship  with  the  Huastecas,  which  of 
course  would  bring  them  into  the  Mayan  family.  That 
their  language  contains  numerous  words'  from  Maya 
roots,  and  presents  other  resemblances,  is  known. 
But  at  the  same  time  it  is  claimed,  on  the  other  side, 
that  there  are  fully  as  great  resemblances  to  the  Na 
huatl.  Charencey  says  the  Totonac  language  presents 
striking  analogies  with  the  Mam-Huastec. 


334  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

The  tradition  recorded  by  Sahagun,  so  often  quoted 
by  writers,  which  refers  to  the  landing  of  Mexican 
tribes  and  the  Huastecas  at  the  mouth  of  the  Panuco 
river,  is  valuable  chiefly,  and  in  fact  only,  as  being 
confirmatory  of  the  tradition  given  in  the  earlier  and 
more  correct  form.  That  part,  however,  which  refers 
to  immigrants  disembarking  from  vessels,  and  imply 
ing  a  passage  across  the  sea,  must  be  rejected  as  an 
addition  and  not  a  part  of  the  native  legend.  Mr. 
Bandelier,  who  is  familiar  with  the  early  Spanish  au 
thorities,  says  that  neither  of  the  two  earliest  sources 
from  which  this  tradition  is  drawn  speaks  positively 
as  to  a  "landing,"  but  on  the  contrary  only  of  the 
Xicalancas  reaching  the  coast  from  the  interior.  This 
appears,  also,  to  agree  with  the  tradition  of  the  Huas 
tecas  as  given  by  Marcelo  Alejandre  in  his  "Cartilla 
Huasteca,"  which  says  that  they  had  their  origin  in 
the  regions  of  the  north,  establishing  their  first  loca 
tion  where  Altamira  of  to-day  is  located,  in  the  state 
of  Tamaulipas.  According  to  Gomara,  "Xicalancatl 
walked  more  earth,  arrived  at  the  sea  of  the  north, 
and  on  the  coast  made  many  towns  ;  but  the  two  prin 
cipal  ones  he  called  by  the  same  name.  One  Xical- 
anco  is  in  the  province  of  Maxcalcingo,  which  is  near 
Vera  Cruz,  and  the  other  Xicalanco  is  near  Tabasco." 
It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  idea  that  the  tradition 
referred  to  emigrants  coming  over  the  sea  was  an  er 
roneous  interpretation  given  to  it  by  Sahagun,  simply 
from  the  fact  that  it  spoke  of  people  arriving  at  the 
mouth  of  Panuco  river.  All  the  evidence  is  entirely 
against  the  theory  that  any  of  the  Mayan  or  Mexican 
tribes  came  from  Florida  or  the  West  Indies. 

Bringing  together  all  these  points,  and  other  indi- 


Migrations  of  Certain  Mayan  Tribes.  335 

Cations  which  can  not  be  given  in  detail  here,  and 
studying  them  carefully, 'their  bearing  seems  to  point 
to  some  locality  in  western  or  central  Mexico  as  the 
place  of  development  of  the  Mayan  tribes,  and  to  ren 
der  it  probable  that  they  are  mixed  up  with  the  Toltec 
tradition. 

If  we  adopt  the  opinion  that  there  was  first  a  divi 
sion  into  two  branches,  one  from  which  the  southern 
and  western  tribes  descended,  the  other  that  from 
which  the  northern  and  eastern  tribes  were  developed, 
we  may  be  justified  in  the  following  conclusions : 
This  first  division  having  taken  place  in  western  or 
central  Mexico,  the  Mam  branch  moved  on  south  to 
ward  Chiapas.  Having  increased  in  numbers  and 
clans  as  time  passed,  through  some  political  convul 
sion,  or  being  harassed  by  enemies,  the  tribes,  which 
by  this  time  had  been  at  least  in  part  formed,  moved 
on  toward  the  south-east.  It  is  to  the  latter  movement 
that  the  Quiche  and  Cakchiquel  traditions  chiefly  re 
late.  By  this  time,  and  perhaps  previous  thereto,  the 
Nahautl  tribes  had  appeared  upon  the  scene,  and  pos 
sibly  exerted  the  pressure  which  forced  the  Mayan 
tribes  southward,  though  there  were  other  peoples 
both  on  the  east  and  west. 

It  appears  more  probable,  libwever,  judging  by  the 
linguistic  evidence,  geographical  position  and  differ 
ence  in  culture,  that  the  Huastecas  must  have  broken 
away  from  the  main  body  before  any  of  the  other 
divisions  took  place.  Or  else,  if  they  led  off  one 
branch  going  eastward,  they  must  have  parted  from 
it  before  the  other  tribes  were  differentiated.  How 
far  north,  or  at  what  point  this  occurred,  it  is,  of 
course,  impossible  for  us  to  determine  with  certainty  ; 


336  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

that  it  must  have  been  north  or  north-west  of  the 
valley  of  Mexico  may  be  assumed  with  some  degree 
of  probability.  It  is  also  quite  likely  that  at  this 
time  they  (the  Huastecas)  joined,  or  were  joined  by 
the  Totonacas,  with  whom  they  gradually  shifted  to 
the  gulf  shore.  The  reason  for  this  supposition  is 
that,  so  far  as  known,  the  Huastecas  had  not  adopted 
the  peculiar  calendar  system  which  prevailed  among 
all  the  other  tribes  of  the  stock,  as  also  among  the 
Mexicans,  Zapotecs  and  most  of  the  Central  American 
nations.  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  this  calendar 
appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  or  not  adopted  by 
the  Huastecas,  though  it  seems  to  have  been  in  use 
among  the  Totonacas.  This,  however,  we  presume 
is  to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  latter  had  been 
brought  under  the  direct  control  and  supervision  of 
the  Mexicans,  who  caused  its  adoption  by  them.  If 
it  be  true,  as  now  supposed  (though  the  evidence  is 
not  entirely  satisfactory) ,  that  this  calendar  was  not 
in  use  among  the  Huastecas,  this  would  seem  to 
furnish  conclusive  proof  that  they  had  broken  away 
from  the  other  portion  of  the  Mayan  stock  before  it 
came  into  use. 

Taking  all  the  facts  and  indications  into  considera 
tion,  we  are  inclined  therefore  to  the  view  that  the 
development  of  the  Mam-Quiche  branch  took  place 
in  Oaxaca,  or  Chiapas.  The  chief  point  of  dispersion 
was  most  likely  in  the  mountainous  section  of  the 
latter  district,  though  the  formation  of  the  tribes 
had  taken  place,  at  least  in  part,  before  this  point  was 
reached.  It  is  also  possible,  and  in  fact  probable, 
that  the  branch  which  settled  in  the  lower  half  of  the 
Usumacinta  valley  broke  away,  as  above  indicated, 


Migrations  of  Certain  Mayan  Tribes.  337 

before  reaching  this  point  of  final  dispersion,  which 
seems  to  refer  chiefly  to  the  southern  tribes. 

The  Totonacas  claimed,  as  shown  above,  that  they 
were  the  builders  of  the  temples  at  Teotihuacan.  If 
we  suppose  the  Mayas,  or  the  eastern  branch  of  the 
stock,  to  have  been  associated  with  them  or  in  this 
region  at  this  time,  the  tradition  appears  to  account 
for  some  facts  which  are  otherwise  difficult  to  explain. 
"While  the  name  Teotihuacan,"  says  Mr.  Bandelier, 
"is  Nahuatl,  the  confused  traditions  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  ruins  ascribe  them  to  an  entirely  differ 
ent  tribe." 

It  appears  that  this  author,  who  rejects  the  view 
that  the  Toltecs  were  a  distinct  nation  or  tribe  known 
by  that  name,  is  inclined  to  attribute  the  works  at 
Teotihuacan  to  the  Mayas,  in  which  it  is  probable  he 
is  correct.  Some  of  the  types  of  art  found  in  this 
section  and  at  Tulan  present  some  marked  resemblances 
to  certain  types  discovered  in  Yucatan. 

The  result  of  our  inquiry  therefore  is  that  the  Mayan 
stock  moved  south-eastward  from  some  region  as  far 
north-west  as  central  Mexico,  probably  preceded  by 
the  Zapotecs  and  some  of  the  other  older  stocks. 
That  they  were  somewhat  closely  followed  by  and 
came  into  contact  with  the  Nahuatl  stock  before  leav 
ing  the  Tulan,  which  we  have  supposed  was  on  the 
boundary  of  Chiapas,  is  evident  from  the  facts  and 
traditions  mentioned.  That  the  Mayas  were  the  first 
people  to  occupy  Yucatan,  and  that  they  had  already 
made  considerable  advance  in  civilization,  although 
not  established  with  positive  certainty,  is  inferred 


338  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

from  the  results  of  Mr.  Henry  C.  Mercer's  examination 
of  the  hill  caves  of  this  section  mentioned  hereafter. 
Although  the  Mayas  differ  widely  in  language  and 
to  some  extent  in  culture  from  the  Nahuatl  stock,  yet 
it  is  possible  that  the  belief  of  the  Aztecs  that  they 
were  at  some  remote  period  connected,  though  proba 
bly  only  by  association,  is  correct.  That  the  two  peo 
ples  moved  southward  substantially  along  the  same 
route  appears  to  be  the  most  reasonable  conclusion 
we  can  reach  from  the  data  so  far  obtained.  The 
original  home  from  which  the  primal  germ  of  the 
great  Uto-Aztecan  stock  started  on  its  journey  south 
ward  was  most  probably  the  region  now  occupied  by 
the  Dene  or  northern  Athapascans.  Possibly  from 
the  same  original  germ,  or  from  germs  issuing  from 
the  same  hive,  were  developed  the  Mayan,  Zapotecan 
and  the  other  small  stocks  of  southern  Mexico  and 
Central  America.  That  slight  additions  may  have 
been  received  through  occasional  stranded  vessels  on 
the  Pacific  coast  is  possible,  but  this  was  not  sufficient 
to  leave  any  marked  effect,  unless  it  can  be  found  in 
some  particular  customs  or  arts. 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.         339 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE    ORIGIN    AND    DEVELOPMENT  OF    CENTRAL  AMERICAN 
CIVILIZATION.* 

One  of  the  most  difficult  problems  of  North  Ameri 
can  archaeology  is  that  relating  to  the  origin  and  pe 
culiarities  of  Mexican  and  Central  American  civiliza 
tion.  That  it  was  indigenous  is  now  the  prevailing 
opinion  among  antiquaries  and  ethnologists.  While 
this  conclusion  may  be  accepted  as  beyond  any  rea 
sonable  doubt  true  in  a  general  sense,  it  is  possible 
that  in  some  of  its  features  it  may  have  felt  the  im 
press  of  extraneous  or  foreign  influence.  Neverthe 
less  it  is  treated  here  as  indigenous,  that  is  to  say,  as 
being  of  native  origin  and  growth.  This  being  ad 
mitted,  does  the  evidence  show  that  its  development 
was  entirely  within  the  geographical  limits  heretofore 
mentioned?  In  other  words,  can  we  trace  by  the 
monuments  and  traditions  the  growth  of  this  civiliza 
tion,  from  its  commencement  to  the  highest  stage  it 
reached,  wholly  within  this  area,  or  do  we  have  to 
look  beyond  these  limits  for  the  evidence? 

If  we  take  the  architecture  and  attempt  to  trace 
the  development  of  the  different  types  by  the  monu 
ments  which  are  found  within  the  respective  areas  of 
the  different  stocks,  we  shall  find  our  efforts  to  a  large 
degree  baffled.  Although  Yucatan  is  dotted  over 
with  ruins  of  Mayan  structures,  yet  none  of  the  many 

*  As  no  native  tribe  can  be  called  "  civilized  "  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  term,  it  is  used  here  merely  as  indicative  of  the  more  advanced 
culture  of  these  nations. 


340          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

explorers  who  have  studied  them  have  pointed  out  the 
various  steps  of  the  builder's  art  as  shown  by  these 
ruins.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  for  the  very 
good  reason  that  there  do  not  appear  to  be  in  these 
areas  examples  which  can  be  pointed  to  as  the  begin 
nings  of  this  art,  the  first  rude  efforts.  Historically 
and  otherwise  we  learn  that  there  were  dwellings  of 
stone  and  dwellings  of  wood,  from  the  simple  thatched 
hut  to  the  stately  mansion.  Possibly  the  temples 
may  have  been  developed  from  the  longitudinally  di 
vided  houses  described  by  Landa,  but  no  modification 
of  these  would  have  produced  the  temple-crowned 
pyramids.  Violet  le  Due  has  tried  to  show  how  the 
stone  structures,  with  their  pointed  arches  and  heavy 
frieze,  are  but  stone  copies  of  wooden  buildings,  or 
that  the  one  has  been  modeled  after  the  other. 
Though  Fergusson  may  have  traced  successfully  this 
kind  of  transition  in  the  history  of  Oriental  archi 
tecture,  it  is  evident  to  any  one  who  will  examine 
with  care  the  Frenchman's  figures,  that  with  the  ex 
ception  of  the  mode  of  dividing  the  body,  there  never 
were  Mayan  structures  of  wood  of  the  pattern  given. 
In  Egypt,  where  the  beginnings  are  less  apparent 
than  in  some  other  centers  of  Eastern  civilization,  re 
mains  showing  primitive  efforts  are  still  found.  Ex 
amples  of  the  simple,  plain  tombs  from  which,  ac 
cording  to  Rawlinson,  the  pyramids  were  ultimately 
developed,  remain  to  the  present  day ;  but,  so  far  as 
the  author  is  aware,  nothing  has  been  found  in  the 
Maya  territory  to  mark  the  commencement  of  that 
art  which  designed  and  constructed  the  temples  and 
pyramids  of  Uxmal,  Chichen-Itza  and  Kabah.  So 
far  as  architectural  skill  is  concerned,  there  is  but 
little  difference  observable  in  the  structures  of  Yuca- 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.         341 

tan  and  the  adjoining  sections  attributable  to  the 
Mayas.  The  principal  variation  is  in  size  and  degree 
of  ornamentation ;  even  the  plans,  as  shown  by  Mr. 
W.  H.  Holmes,  in  his  excellent  paper  on  "Archaeo 
logical  Studies  Among  the  Ancient  Cities  of  Mexico," 
are,  to  a  large  extent,  conventionalized.  But  the  fact 
remains  that  among  the  hundreds  of  examples  which 
exist,  there  are  none  showing  the  first  rude  efforts  of 
the  builders.  As  stated  by  Mr.  Holmes  in  the  quota 
tion  given  in  a  previous  chapter,  while  it  is  true  that 
some  of  the  buildings  are  composite  and  show  success 
ive  accretions,  there  are  others  which  stand  as  perfect 
units  of  design.  But  he  speaks  nowhere  of  the  rude 
beginnings  found  in  that  section  from  which  they 
worked  up  to  the  more  perfect  form  ;  his  only  intima 
tion  of  progress  is  that  in  the  quotation  given  below. 
Nor  has  any  author,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware,  given 
us  this  information. 

How  are  we  to  account  for  this  absence  of  earlier 
forms  except  upon  the  theory  that  when  the  tribes  en 
tered  their  historic  seats  they  had  already  become 
proficient  in  the  builder's  art?  The  tradition  of  the 
Tutul-Xiu,  as  given  by  Herrera,  indicates  that  they 
brought  this  art  with  them.  That  wood  was  used 
chiefly  for  ordinary  dwellings  is  true,  and  that  the 
Maya  architects  may  have  to  some  extent  modeled 
their  stone  structures  after  those  of  wood  may  be 
true,  but  certainly  not  to  the  extent  claimed  by  Violet 
le  Due  ;  nevertheless  it  seems  improbable  that  this 
skill  should  have  been  attained  without  comparatively 
rude  beginnings.  The  only  indication  that  the  art, 
in  this  type,  was  still  in  an  undeveloped  stage,  is  that 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Holmes  : 


342  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

"Notwithstanding  the  success  of  these  Maya  masons 
in  erecting  buildings  capable  of  standing  for  hundreds 
of  years,  they  were  yet  ignorant  of  some  of  the  most 
essential  principles  of  stone  construction,  and  are  thus 
to  be  regarded  as  hardly  more  than  novices  in  the  art. 
They  made  use  of  various  minor  expedients,  as  any 
clever  nation  of  builders  would,  but  depended  largely 
on  mortar  and  inertia  to  hold  their  buildings  to 
gether." 

Mr.  Henry  C.  Mercer,  who  has  explored  a  number 
of  caves  in  Yucatan  for  the  purpose  of  searching  for 
indications  of  the  early  inhabitants,  comes  to  the  con 
clusion  that  the  Mayas  were  the  first  inhabitants,  and 
that  they  had  acquired  their  civilization  before  enter 
ing  that  territory.  These  facts,  apparently  at  least, 
justify  us  in  searching  for  the  remains  of  their  pri 
mary  efforts  along  the  route  of  their  migrations. 

Although  our  information  is  meager  in  regard  to 
the  antiquities  of  northern  and  north-western  Mexico, 
yet  enough  is  known,  as  appears  from  the  descriptions 
given,  to  state  positively,  notwithstanding  all  that  has 
been  written  and  said  to  the  contrary,  that  some  of 
the  ruins  found  in  that  section  may  have  been  the 
primitive  efforts  of  the  civilized  tribes  of  southern 
Mexico  and  Central  America.  Whatever  opinion  we 
may  hold  on  this  point,  two  things  which  have  an 
important  bearing  on  the  question  must  be  admitted  : 
First,  as  has  already  been  stated,  that  in  the  central 
region,  or  Maya  sites,  there  are  no  evidences  of  the 
primitive  architectural  efforts  ;  and,  second,  that  it  is 
only  to  the  ruins  north  of  this  central  region  we  can 
look  for  these  extralimital  primitive  forms.  There  we 
do  find  what  may  possibly  be  the  remains  of  the  prim- 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.          343 

itive  types  ;  but  southward  until  we  reach  Nicaragua 
the  structures  and  inscriptions,  although  showing 
variations  and  the  introduction  of  additional  forms, 
are  too  apparently  the  outgrowths  of  what  we  may 
term  the  central  types  for  this  fact  to  be  overlooked 
or  disputed. 

It  is  a  somewhat  strange  fact,  if  we  judge  only  by 
the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  and  manuscripts,  in  the 
Mayan  characters,  that  w^e  would  be  compelled  to  con 
clude  that  they  were  brought  to  comparative  perfection 
at  the  time  they  were  invented.  A  difference,  it  is  true, 
in  the  forms  and  ornamentation,  and,  to  a  certain  de 
gree,  an  advance  toward  a  more  perfect  type,  can  be 
traced,  but  no  examples,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware, 
of  the  first  rude  beginnings,  or  the  original  forms, 
have  been  found.  Some,  comparatively  rude,  are  found 
painted  on  pottery,  scratched  on  shells  or  other  soft  ma 
terial,  but  these  belong  to  what  may  be  termed  demotic 
writing  and  are  not  primitive  forms.  Comparing  the 
characters  of  the  various  inscriptions  which  have  been 
discovered  and  those  found  in  the  few  remaining  pre- 
Columbian  manuscripts,  the  result  is  as  follows  :  First, 
it  is  apparent  that  the  characters  in  the  manuscripts 
have  been  adopted  from  those  of  the  inscriptions.  In 
other  words,  inscriptions  preceded  the  manuscripts  ; 
hence  we  must  look  to  the  former  for  the  older  forms. 
What  appear  to  the  writer  to  be  the  oldest  forms  of  the 
glyphs  yet  discovered  are  seen  in  those  at  Palenque 
and  some  of  the  inscriptions  found  by  Charney  at 
Menche  (Lorillard  City) ,  though  others  discovered  by 
him  at  this  same  place  belong  to  the  later  and  more 
ornamental  type  discovered  in  the  Peten  region,  that 
is,  those  carved  in  wood  discovered  by  Bernoulli  at 
Tikal,  a  type  also  found  at  Copan  and  Chichen-ltza, 


344  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

but  in  none  of  the  inscriptions  at  Palenque.  In  all 
cases  the  same  method  of  indicating  numbers  is  fol 
lowed,  and  the  same  calendar  system  as  that  of  the 
Tzentals  and  the  Dresden  Codex,  is  also  followed. 
These  facts  form  part  of  the  evidence  on  which  we 
base  the  conclusion  given  in  a  previous  chapter,  that 
the  Itzaes  passed  from  the  region  of  the  upper  Usuma- 
cinta  eastward  to  their  seat  about  Lake  Peten. 

Another  item  found  in  this  connection  bearing  on 
the  migrations  of  some  of  the  Mayan  tribes  is  worthy 
of  notice.  During  his  studies  of  the  Palenque  in 
scriptions,  the  author  has  been  surprised  to  find 
among  the  various  glyphs  one  in  which  the  chief 
character  is  the  figure  of  a  person  lying  on  his 
back,  his  knees  drawn  up,  his  head  partially  raised 
up,  and  his  hands  placed  on  his  stomach.  A  sit 
ting  figure  with  and  without  a  head  is  found  both 
in  the  manuscripts  and  inscriptions,  but,  unless  shown 
in  some  of  the  inscriptions  on  the  statues  of  Co- 
pan,  the  introduction  of  full  length  figures  in  the 
glyphs  as  a  part  thereof  is  unusual.  This  unusual 
hieroglyph  is  found  twice  in  the  inscription  on  the 
tablet  of  the  cross  known  as  No.  2  ;  and  once  in  one 
of  the  inscriptions  in  the  Temple  of  the  Three  Tablets. 
If  we  turn  now  to  the  pages  of  Charney's  "Ancient 
Cities  of  the  New  World,"  where  the  two  prone 
statues  are  figured,  we  will  find,  seemingly  beyond  a 
reasonable  doubt,  to  what  our  unusual  glyph  refers. 
These  statues,  which,  according  to  Hamy  and  Char- 
ney,  denote  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain  and  fertility,  were 
found  at  widely  different  points,  one  at  Tlaxcala  and 
the  other  by  Dr.  Leplongeon  at  Chichen-Itza.  As  has 
been  correctly  stated  by  Dr.  Brinton,  "a  statue  of  a 


Origin  'of  Central  American  Civilization.          845 

sleeping  god  holding  a  vase  was  disinterred  by  Dr  Le- 
plongeon  at  Chichen-Itza,  and  it  is  too  entirely  similar 
to  others  found  at  Tlaxcala  and  near  the  City  of  Mexico 
for  us  to  doubt  but  that  they  represented  the  same 
divinity,  and  that,  the  god  of  rains,  fertility  and  har 
vest."  Mr.  Bandelier  mentions  a  fourth  one  found  in 
the  state  of  Puebla. 

Shall  we  attribute  the  statue  found  in.  Yucatan  to 
the  Mayas  and  the  others  to  the  Aztecs?  Or  shall  we 
ascribe  both  to  the  Mayas,  thus  assuming  that  some 
one  or  more  of  the  tribes  of  the  latter  stock,  at  some 
period  before  their  entrance  into  their  historic  seats, 
dwelt  for  a  time  in  the  vicinity  of  Tlaxcala?  If  the 
writer  be  correct  in  his  suggestion  that  the  glyphs  re 
ferred  to  represent  this  diety,  the  latter  supposition 
would  seem  to  be  the  correct  one. 

Reasons  have  already  been  given  for  believing  that 
the  pyramids  or  temples  of  Teotihuacan  date  from  a 
period  anterior  to  the  occupation  of  this  region  by  the 
Aztecs,  and  hence  can  not  be  ascribed  to  them.  It 
is  true  that  indications  of  Aztec  culture,  which  has, 
to  a  certain  degree,  been  impressed  upon  them,  are 
found,  but  some,  in  fact  most,  of  the  types  differ  from 
any  thing  that  is  known  to  belong  to  this  culture,  and 
the  ruins  are  declared  by  the  best  authorities  to  be 
iion-Aztecan.  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  is 
stated  by  the  early  writers  that  the  name  Tula  (Thu- 
la,  Tulan,  Tollan,  Tollam) ,  was  also  applied  to  this 
place,  a  name  which,  although  signifying  "place  of 
reeds,"  was  explained,  whether  correctly  or  not,  as 
meaning  "place  of  Toltecs."  It  is  apparent  from 
these  facts  that  some  of  the  works  of  this  place  are 
attributable  to  an  older  people  than  the  Aztecs,  or  a 


346  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

people  antedating  their  advent.  It  is  also  true,  as 
argued  by  Charney,  that  some  of  the  types  found  at 
Tula,  as  for  example,  the  ornamental  sculpturing  on 
some  of  the  columns,  and  the  serpent-like  form  of 
others,  bear  a  strong  resemblance  to  some  of  the  types 
found  at  Chichen-Itza. 

[After  this  chapter  had  been  written  the  writer  re 
ceived  from  Dr.  Antonio  Penafiel,  of  Mexico,  a  letter 
announcing  the  discovery  in  a  plowed  field  at  Tula, 
on  the  site  of  the  "Temple  of  the  Caryatides"  (that 
of  the  double  column  with  feet  shown  by  Charney)  of 
a  shell  on  which  are  engraved  hieroglyphic  characters 
supposed  to  be  of  the  Mayan  type.  An  inspection  of 
the  photographs,  which  accompany  the  letter,  prove 
this  supposition  to  be  correct  beyond  doubt.  It  is  a 
puzzling  fact,  however,  that  these  characters  bear  a 
closer  resemblance  to  the  southern  variety,  especially 
those  on  the  shell  found  in  Belize,  of  which  a  figure 
is  given  in  the  author's  paper  on  "Day  Symbols  of  the 
Maya  Year,"  in  the  Sixteenth  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  than  to  those  of  Pa- 
lenque  or  Yucatan.  A  similar  type  is  seen  in  Fig.  84, 
page  140,  of  Dr.  Brinton's  "Primer  of  Mayan  Hiero 
glyphics,"  which  represents  an  inscription  on  a  vase 
from  a  Quiche  tomb,  Guatemala.  The  difference  is, 
however,  due  in  part  to  the  material  on  which  the 
characters  are  inscribed  and  the  way  in  which  they 
are  written,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  Fig.  78  of 
Dr.  Brinton's  "Primer,"  which  shows  an  inscription 
at  Kabah,  painted  on  stucco. 

The  discovery  of  this  inscription,  if  corroborated  by 
other  finds,  may  have  a  tendency  to  show  that  the  sepa 
ration  of  the  Mayan  tribes  did  not  take  place  until  the 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.          347 

region  of  Tula  was  reached  in  the  migration  south 
ward,  or  that  the  Mam-Quiche  group  followed  the 
track  of  the  eastern  group  to  this  point.] 

It  is  proper  also  to  bear  in  mind  in  this  connection, 
that  the  ruins  of  Comalcalco,  as  has  been  stated,  belong 
unquestionably  to  the  type  found  at  Palenque,  and 
with  more  profuse  ornamentation  at  Uxmal  and  other 
places  in  the  peninsula.  As  Comalcalco  lies  in  Ta 
basco  on  the  road  northward,  it  would  be  exactly  on 
the  route  of  migration  from  Mexico  or  Puebla  to  the 
region  of  Palenque,  by  the  eastern  or  shore  line. 

While  these  facts  are  not  sufficient  of  themselves  to 
prove  the  presence  of  the  Mayas  in  this  central 
Mexican  region,  yet  when  we  take  into  consideration 
the  traditions  which  have  been  mentioned  showing  the 
probability  that  the  Huastecas  and  the  Totonacas  at 
one  time  occupied  this  section,  and  that  the  works 
both  here  and  at  Cholula  are  certainly  pre-Azteean, 
we  are  perhaps  justified  in  attributing  some  of  them 
to  that  branch  of  the  Mayas  which  went  off  with  the 
Huastecas  toward  the  east.  To  this  must  also  be 
added  the  fact  that  the  evidence  so  far  adduced  shows 
that  the  Mayas  must  have  come  from  some  point  as 
far  northward  as  central  Mexico.  The  indications 
.also  bear  us  out  in  the  supposition  that  the  builders 
of  the  temples  and  pyramids  of  Palenque  came  to 
this  locality,  partly,  at  least,  by  way  of  the  shore,  or 
Tabasco  route.  This  evidence  not  only  indicates  that 
the  Mayas  occupied,  for  a  time,  portions  of  the  Mexi 
can  valley,  in  advance  of  the  Aztecs,  but  it  also 
serves  to  give  some  support  to  the  theory  that  the 
Toltecs  were  the  Mayas. 

At  Quemada,in  Zacatecas,  are  the  ruins  of  temples, 


348  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

pyramids,  walled  terraces,  stairways,  etc.  There  also 
is  seen  a  row  of  stone  pillars  running  through  a  hall, 
as  at  Mitla.  Bancroft  does  not  think  that  these  ruins 
show  any  marked  analogies  to  the  structures  either 
north  or  south,  though  he  admits  that  the  pyramids 
are  similar  to  those  at  the  south.  However,  they 
do  show  that  composite  character  which  indicates 
transitional  forms  which  must  be  found  in  all  ad 
vances  from  lower  to  higher  grades.  An  intermediate 
type  between  that  of  Casas  Grandes  and  those  further 
south,  if  constructed  by  a  people  migrating  south 
ward,  not  yet  formed  into  tribes,  would,  of  course, 
differ  somewhat  from  the  types  both  north  and  south, 
and  would  in  all  probability  be,  to  a  certain  extent, 
composite  in  features. 

There  are,  however,  some  features  which  lead  to 
the  impression  that  these  works  should  be  attributed 
in  part  to  the  Zapotecs,  as  for  example,  the  rows  of 
columns  through  the  middle  of  halls,  and  the  increase 
in  the  size  of  the  rooms.  The  former  is  a  peculiarity 
found  elsewhere  only  in  Zapotec  ruins  and  at  Teoti- 
huacan,  and  indicates  a  different  mode  of  construction 
from  that  found  either  in  the  Nahuatl  or  Maya  archi 
tecture.  The  increase  in  the  size  of  the  rooms  is  a 
feature  repeatedly  mentioned  by  Mr.  Bandelier  as  he 
proceeded  southward  in  his  journey  through  north 
western  Mexico.  The  change,  according  to  this  writer, 
begins  at  Casa  Grande.  "The  rooms,"  he  remarks, 
"are  higher  and  much  more  spacious  than  in  the 
northern  ruins  ;  the  doorways  are  higher  and  wider." 
Although  Charney's  zealousness  in  advocacy  of  the 
Toltecs  has  a  tendency  to  bias  his  judgment  in  regard 
to  any  thing  which  bears  on  this  subject,  we  quote  his- 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.         349 

opinion  on  the  similarity  mentioned,  as  it  shows  the 
impression  left  on  his  mind  from  a  personal  examina 
tion  of  the  ruins  in  Oaxaca.  "Las  Casas  Grandes, 
the  settlements  in  the  Sierra  Madre,  the  ruins  of  Zape, 
of  Quemada,  recalling  the  monuments  at  Mitla,  others 
in  Queretaro,  together  with  certain  features  in  the 
building  of  temples  and  altars  which  remind  one  of 
the  Mexican  manuscripts,  from  which  the  Toltec, 
Aztec  and  Yucatec  temple  was  built,  make  it  clear 
that  the  civilized  races  came  from  the  north-west."  It 
is  possible  that  the  Mayas  and  Zapotecs  were  in  close 
relation  with  one  another  during  their  migration  south 
ward  ;  or  supposing  the  latter  to  have  been  the  earlier 
emigrants,  that  the  former  learned  the  art  from  them, 
subsequently  developing  their  particular  types  in  the 
more  southern  sections.  It  may  also  be  added  that 
the  truncated  pyramid  at  Mitla  built  of  adobes,  and 
the  numerous  adobe  structures  in  the  Zapotec  region, 
are  at  least  suggestive.  The  absence  of  the  triangu 
lar  arch  is  a  marked  distinction,  though  the  flat  roof 
was  not  entirely  unknown  in  Yucatan. 

At  Casas  Grandes,  which  is  in  Chihuahua,  we  see 
proofs  of  the  initial  steps  of  mound  building.  In 
fact,  the  evidence  of  gradual  advance  toward  a  higher 
grade  in  the  architectural  art  is  seen  beyond  question 
as  we  advance  southward  from  Arizona  to  Quemada, 
be  our  opinion  in  regard  to  the  authors  of  these  works 
what  it  may.  We  must  confess  that,  so  far  as  we  are 
able  to  judge  from  all  that  has  been  written  in  regard 
to  the  ruins  of  the  south-west,  there  seems  to  be  no 
other  reason  for  denying  this  advance  in  type  than  a 
fixed  purpose  to  maintain  a  theory.  These  raised 
platforms  or  low  pyramids  filled  in  solidly  with 


350  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

gravel,  and  the  terraces  supported  by  bordering  walls, 
may  justly  be  considered  the  beginnings  of  that  art 
which  culminated  in  the  temples,  terraces  and  pyra 
mids  of  Yucatan  and  Chiapas.  Walled  terraces,  plat 
form  mounds,  an  inner  filling  or  hearting  of  gravel, 
mortar  and  stone  fragments,  are  characteristic  fea 
tures  of  this  southern  region,  and  are  found  also  in 
Oaxaca.  It  is  true  that  in  the  southern  locality  the 
works  are  upon  a  larger  scale,  the  types  more  perfect, 
and  the  ornamentation  more  profuse  than  at  Casas 
Grandes.  It  may  also  be  said  that  the  southern  types 
are  move  specialized,  but  this  is  precisely  what  would 
be  expected  upon  the  theory  that  the  southern  forms 
were  developed  from,  and  grew  out  of,  the  northern. 
The  conclusion  which  Mr.  Bandelier,  who  has  studied 
the  regions  both  of  north-western  and  southern  Mex 
ico,  has  reached  on  this  question,  is  so  exactly  in  point 
in  this  connection  that  we  quote  it  somewhat  fully  : 

"Although  the  communal  pueblo  houses  of  the 
north  seem  to  be  different  from  the  structures  on  the 
Gila  and  at  Casas  Grandes,  they  still  show  the  same 
leading  characteristics  of  being  intended  for  abodes 
and  at  the  same  time  for  defense.  In  the  northern 
villages,  however,  both  features  are  intimately  con 
nected  ;  whereas  further  south  the  military  purpose  is 
represented  by  a  separate  edifice,  the  central  house  or 
stronghold,  of  which  Casa  Grande  is  a  good  speci 
men.  In  this  the  ancient  village  of  the  south-west 
approaches  the  ancient  settlements  of  Yucatan  and  of 
central  Mexico,  which  consisted  of  at  least  three  dif 
ferent  kinds  of  edifices,  each  distinct  from  the  others 
in  the  purposes  to  which  it  was  destined.  It  seems , 
therefore,  that  between  the  thirty-fourth  and  the 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization*         351 

twenty-ninth  parallels  of  latitude  the  aboriginal  archi 
tecture  of  the  south-west  had  begun  to  change  in  a 
manner  that  brought  some  of  its  elements  that  were 
of  northern  origin  into  disuse,  and  substituted  others 
derived  from  southern  influences ;  in  other  words, 
that  there  was  a  gradual  transformation  going  on  in 
ancient  aboriginal  architecture  in  the  direction  from 
north  to  south. 

"  I  have  alluded  only  to  the  most  striking  examples 
of  south-western  aboriginal  architecture,  the  large 
houses.  In  regard  to  another  kind,  the  small  de 
tached  buildings,  it  must  be  observed  that  the  small 
house  is  probably  the  germ  from  which  the  larger 
structures  were  evolved,  and  that  the  small  houses 
also  undergo  modifications,  especially  from  north  to 
south,  in  the  size  of  the  rooms.  I  repeat  here  what  I 
said  in  my  preliminary  report  to  the  Institute  of  Au 
gust  11,  1883  :  'There  is  a  gradual  increase  in  the 
size  of  the  rooms  in  detached  buildings,  in  a  direction 
from  north  to  south,  which  increase  is  most  distinctly 
marked  over  the  area  where  the  detached  house  alone 
prevails.' 

"There  are  regions,  like  central  Sonora,  where  the 
small  house  is  the  only  architectural  type  now  re 
maining  from  ancient  times.  It  will  be  noticed  that 
the  square  or  rectangular  dwellings  of  the  Opatas  of 
the  Sonora  river  confirm  the  impressions  above  re 
corded.  If  we  compare  them  with  the  dimensions  of 
the  huts  now  inhabited  by  tribes  living  still  further 
south,  we  find  their  size  increases  as  we  advance  from 
a  colder  to  a  warmer  one. 

"Large  halls  are  not  found  in  the  ruins  of  the 
north.  They  appear  to  be  almost  the  rule  at  M'lfla 


352  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  in  Yucatan  ;  and  they  are  met  with  on  the  Gila, 
under  a  climate  which  is  semi-tropical. 

"Equally  noteworthy  is  the  increase  in  dimensions 
of  the  doorways  and  windows.  In  the  lofty  struc 
tures  of  Arizona  and  Chihuahua  there  is  considerable 
resemblance  to  the  doorways  of  ancient  edifices  in 
Yucatan  and  other  southern  states  of  Mexico. 

"The  outer  coating  of  the  walls  is  of  course  differ 
ent  in  the  arid  northern  countries  from  that  in  the 
moist  regions  of  the  tropics.  Elsewhere  I  have  men 
tioned  the  plating,  with  polished  slabs,  of  the  walls 
of  Mitla,  which  was  applied,  I  suspect,  not  merely 
for  ornamental  purposes,  but  with  a  practical  object. 
Where  summer  rains  are  as  violent  as  under  the 
tropics,  a  coating  of  adobe  or  gypsum  would  be  un 
able  to  resist  them  for  any  length  of  time.  In  the 
south-west  a  thinner  coat  was  sufficient ;  still  there  is 
improvement  in  such  coating,  from  the  northern  sec 
tions  to  the  southern,  s'hown  by  the  finish  of  the  wash 
applied  to  the  surface. 

"I  have  alluded  to  the  appearance  of  artificial 
mounds  and  artificial  platforms  or  terraces  on  the 
Gila,  and  perhaps  also  in  the  Casas  Grandes  region. 
It  is  well  known  that  both  of  these  structures  are 
conspicuous  in  the  ruins  of  southern  and  central  Mex 
ico.  The  estufa,  however,  is  a  specifically  northern 
feature,  and  therefore  disappears  as  soon  as  the  cli 
mate  becomes  more  equable  and  finally  tropical." 

It  may  be  added  that,  according  to  Mr.  Bartlett, 
who  examined  the  Casas  Grandes  in  1850  and  illus 
trated  his  description  with  figures,  the  rooms  began 
to  assume  here  almost  the  exact  form  and  arrange 
ment  in  series  seen  in  some  of  the  Yucatec  structures. 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.          353 

We  also  notice  the  fact  that  the  aggregation,  so  to 
speak,  of  cells  as  in  the  pueblo  structures  is  gradually 
lost  as  we  proceed  southward.  Marked  evidence  of 
this  change  is  seen  before  we  leave  southern  Arizona, 
and  at  Casas  Grandes  we  see  the  last  faint  intimation 
of  it,  unless  we  assume  that  the  room  series  in  Yuca 
tan  are  resultants. 

The  cliff-dwellings,  which  are  a  characteristic  fea 
ture  of  the  San  Juan  region  of  north-eastern  Arizona, 
continue  side  by  side  with  the  other  features  as  we 
proceed  south  into  Mexico,  and  are  not  lost  until  after 
we  have  passed  Casas  Grandes. 

That  the  series  of  types  is  unbroken  from  the  region 
of  the  pueblos  and  cliff-dwellers  of  Arizona  to  Casas 
Grandes  is  unquestionable.  True,  there  are  variations 
in  the  features  and  characteristics,  but  that  they  are  de 
rived  from  the  same  original  type  is  a  fair  and  reas 
onable  presumption.  It  may  also  be  asserted  with  a 
considerable  degree  of  confidence  that  southward 
from  Quemada  the  series  is  continuous  to  Guatemala. 
It  is  admitted  that  there  is  a  greater  variation  in  this 
series  than  in  the  northern  one.  This,  however,  ac 
cords  precisely  with  the  facts  as  known  and  what 
might  have  been  predicated  upon  these  facts.  In 
other  words,  the  body  of  emigrants,  so  to  speak,  after 
leaving  the  region  of  Quemada,  was  gradually  split 
into  branches  and  tribes,  each  moving  off  into  the 
seat  it  was  found  occupying  at  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards.  Although  each  of  these  divisions  would 
take  with  it  the  original  or  stem  pattern,  each  would 
gradually  modify  it  and  change  it  according  to  fancy. 
Hence,  the  variations  as  we  move  southward,  would 
23 


354  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

be  greater  than  those  seen  north  of  that  point.  There 
would  be  no  entirely  new  or  different  cultures  :  all 
were  developed  from  the  one  original.  Had  this  cul 
ture  spread  northward  from  the  southern  area  instead 
of  being  a  gradual  development  during  the  movement 
southward,  the  examples  would  not  show  the  rude 
primary  types,  but  imperfect  attempts  at  a  higher  and 
more  advanced  type,  the  culture  would  not  spread 
from  the  central  point  until  it  had  become  advanced. 

No  valid  reason  has  been  given,  nor  is  it  believed 
can  be  given,  for  rejecting  the  theory  that  these 
northern  structures  are  attributable  to  the  ancestors 
of  the  civilized  tribes  of  the  regions  further  south, 
supposing  the  theory  now  generally  accepted  that 
these  tribes  migrated  from  this  northern  section,  be 
correct.  It  is  admitted  that  the  Nahuatl  and  Sho- 
shone  tribes  have  been  connected  socially  if  not  lin 
guistically.  It  is  also  admitted  that  the  latter  did  not 
move  northward  from  the  southern  region.  Hence, 
the  Nahuatl  tribes  must  have  moved  from  the  north 
southward.  It  is  also  generally  conceded,  or  at  least 
intimated,  and  apparently  in  accordance  with  the  most 
reliable  data,  that  the  Mayas  and  Zapotecs,  if  not  de 
rived  in  the  far  distant  past  from  the  same  original 
stem  as  the  Nahuatl  tribes,  had  long  been  in  intimate 
association  with  the  latter. 

Notwithstanding  the  advance  made  by  the  time  the 
latitude  of  Quemada  was  reached,  the  cause  or 
impetus,  or  whatever  we  may  term  it,  which  gave 
rise  to  the  more  advanced  civilization  of  the  southern 
section,  had  not  yet  been  exerted  or  brought  fully  into 
play.  The  beginning  of  that  architectural  art  which 
was  to  result  in  the  splendid  structures  of  Yucatan 
and  Chiapas  had  been  made,  but  it  is  probable  that  it 


Origin  of  Central  American  Civilization.          355 

was  not  until  the  priestly  hierarchy  was  more  thor 
oughly  organized  and  brought  into  full  sway,  that  the 
onward  march  toward  that  higher  culture  began  in 
real  earnest. 

Why  there  has  been  such  persistent  refusal  on 
the  part  of  scholars  to  accept,  as  at  least  pos 
sible,  the  theory  that  the  tradition  of  the  "  Seven 
Caves,"  or  "Seven  Ravines"  (Chicomoztoc  and  Tulan 
Zuiva) ,  refers  to  the  cliff-dwellings  or  cave-dwellings 
of  north-western  Mexico  and  Arizona,  is  difficult  to 
account  for.  There  is  nothing  in  this  supposition  con 
trary  to  the  traditions,  nor  to  the  generally-accepted 
theory  of  the  course  of  migrations.  The  number 
seven  does  not  necessarily  play  any  particular  role  in 
the  solution  of  this  problem.  Numbers  were  deter 
mined  from  some  incident  or  circumstance  which 
may  or  may  not  be  known.  Seven  may  have  been 
selected  because  of  some  superstition  or  because  it 
was  understood  that  seven  was  the  number  of  tribes 
belonging  to  a  certain  group  or  stock,  or  it  may  have 
arisen  in  many  other  ways.  It  is  therefore  immaterial 
in  this  relation.  The  reference  therefore  in  the  Nahuatl 
and  Maya  traditions  to  seven  caves,  although  largely 
mixed  with  myth,  may  be  interpreted  as  possibly  refer 
ring  to  the  cliff-  or  cave-dwellings,  or  to  this  mode  of  liv 
ing  while  in  the  north.  This  would  be  appropriate  as 
explaining  the  frequent  reference  in  these  traditions  to 
darkness,  gloom  and  a  sunless  condition.  It  is  well 
known  that  caves  were  often  resorted  to  in  the  south 
ern  regions  as  places  for  holding  religious  ceremonies 
and  other  purposes.  The  inner  cells  of  many  of  the 
Central  American  temples  are  virtually  caverns  so  far 
as  light  is  concerned.  Torchlight  was  essential  to 
some  of  their  religious  ceremonies. 


356  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

PRIESTS HIEROGLYPHS CALENDAR. 

No  step  in  advance  in  art  or  any  other  branch  of 
culture  is  likely  to  be  taken,  especially  among  a  com 
paratively  rude  people,  until  some  need  for  that  step 
is  felt.  Burial  originated  from  the  necessity  of  dis 
posing  of  the  dead,  and  the  stone  and  wooden  cover 
ings,  tombs  and  cells,  from  the  desire  to  secure  the 
bodies  from  injury  by  wild  beasts  ;  dwellings,  from 
the  need  of  shelter  and  security,  etc.  So,  in  the  more 
advanced  stages  of  society,  forward  steps  in  culture 
are  generally  the  result  of  a  felt  or  imagined  need 
therefor.  Sometimes  accidental  discoveries  bring  into 
use  more  efficient  implements  and  processes  than  those 
previously  employed,  but  the  adoption  of  these  is  an 
evidence  of  the  felt  need  therefor. 

Although  it  is  true,  as  remarked  by  Dr.  Tylor,  that 
priests  are  not  favorable  to  changes  or  novelties  in 
the  religious  formulas  or  ceremonies,  yet  they  are 
ever  ready  to  accept  an  increase  in  power  or  influence, 
to  add  to  the  impressiveness  and  display  of  their  pub 
lic  ceremonies,  and  are  ever  desirous  of  increasing 
the  size  and  magnificence  of  their  religious  structures. 
It  is  to  this  desire  and  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
priests  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  the  author 
believes,  are  to  be  attributed  the  rise  of  civilization 
and  its  progress,  in  these  regions,  to  a  higher  stage 
than  that  attained  any-where  else  in  North  America. 


Priests — Hieroglyphs — Calendar.  357 

The  influence  of  the  religious  sentiment,  especially 
when  directed  by  a  strong  and  well-organized  priest 
hood,  is  too  well  known  to  need  any  proof  here.  The 
power  and  influence  of  the  priests  in  Mexico  and  Cen 
tral  America  are  also  facts  too  well  known  to  require 
verification.  In  Mexico,  '  according  to  one  writer, 
"the  prelacy  was  as  systematic,  and  its  rule  as  well 
defined,  as  in  the  Church  of  Rome."  The  contest 
which  was  waged  for  a  time  between  the  warrior  class 
and  priests  was  ultimately  decided  in  favor  of  the 
latter  ;  in  other  words,  the  prelacy  became  the  ruling 
power.  Among  the  Mayas  and  Zapotecs  the  priestly 
power  was,  if  possible,  more  complete  than  among 
the  Aztecs,  the  authority  of  the  chieftain  or  ruler  being 
almost  completely  dimmed  by  it.  We  therefore  at 
tribute  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Mexican  and  Cen 
tral  American  civilization  chiefly  to  this  priesthood. 
With  their  opposition  or  indifference  it  could  have 
made  no  progress.  Moreover,  the  chief  advance  made 
is  along  lines  intimately  connected  with  religious 
ceremonies  and  priestly  needs. 

The  hieroglyphs  were  doubtless  the  work  of  the 
priests,  few  of  the  people  understanding,  or  being 
able  to  interpret  or  use  them.  To  the  priests,  there 
fore,  must  we  ascribe  the  inscriptions  and  manu 
scripts,  which,  so  far  as  we  are  able  to  judge  from 
the  little  that  has  been  ascertained  in  regard  to  them, 
relate,  in  a  large  degree,  to  religious  observances,  cere 
monies,  etc.  The  calendar  system  appears  also  to  be 
based  upon,  or  at  least  adapted  to  the  religious  systems 
in  vogue  among  the  nations  which  adopted  it.  We 
are  justified,  therefore,  in  believing  that  the  advance 
in  culture  along  the  lines  of  art,  especially  those 


358  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

of  architecture  and  sculpture,  the  calendar  system 
and  symbolic  writing,  was  due  to  the  priesthood. 

It  is  probable  that  no  decided  impulse  toward  a 
higher  culture  was  given  until  a  start  had  been  made 
toward  a  thorough  organization  of  the  priesthood.  That 
a  slow  and  gradual  advance  was  being  made  in  archi 
tecture  is  doubtless  true,  and  it  is  also  doubtless  true 
that,  after  this  beginning,  there  would  have  been  a 
further  slow  growth,  even  without  a  decided  impulse 
from  the  priesthood  ;  but  the  remarkable  advance  in 
dicated  by  the  structures  and  sculptures  of  the  south 
ern  section,  as  compared  with  the  northern  monu 
ments,  indicates  some  more  potent  influence  than  was 
exerted  in  the  northern  regions. 

It  must  be  admitted,  although  we  may  be  unable  to 
entirely  solve  the  mystery,  that  there  was  some  cause, 
some  impetus,  something  which  gave  rise  to  the  civ 
ilization  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  which  did 
not  exist  or  occur  in  California  or  any  other  part  of 
North  America.  Mr.  Bancroft  is  doubtless  correct  in 
his  declaration  that  this  can  not  be  attributed  wholly 
to  differences  in  the  physical  conditions.  It  is  more 
likely  that  the  real  direct  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the 
complete  organization,  and  strong  influence  of  the 
priesthood.  This,  it  is  true,  only  serves  to  throw  the 
investigation  one  step  further  back  ;  for  the  next  in 
quiry  will  be,  why  this  advance  in  priestly  organization 
and  influence  over  that  of  other  sections?  Although 
we  will  not  undertake  to  give  any  answer  to  this 
question,  it  is  possible  that  a  thorough  and  careful 
study  of  what  we  may,  in  a  broad  and  compre 
hensive  sense,  term  the  priesthoods  or  religious  organ 
izations  of  the  more  northern  tribes,  beginning  with 


Priests — Hieroglyphs — Calendar.  359 

those  of  the  Pueblos,  would  furnish  a  partial  explana 
tion.  The  cult  societies  of  some  of  these  Pueblos 
described  by  Mrs.  Matilda  C.  Stevenson  in  her  paper 
on  "The  Sia,"  in  the  "Eleventh  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,"  and  those  of  other 
Pueblos  described  in  several  papers  by  Dr.  Walter 
Fewkes,  may  possibly  be  the  beginnings  from  which  the 
more  elaborate  organizations  of  the  southern  tribes  were 
developed.  The  latter  author  mentions  a  number  of 
somewhat  striking  similarities  between  the  religious 
ceremonies  of  the  tribes  he  studied,  and  those  of  the 
Mexicans  and  Mayas.  As  the  people  among  whom 
he  prosecuted  his  studies  were  chiefly  those  of  the 
Hopi  or  Moki  pueblos,  people  belonging  to  the  great 
Uto-Aztecan  stock,  these  similarities  become  impor 
tant,  especially  when  the  caution  of  this  author  in  ad 
vancing  theories  is  considered. 

Where  the  priesthood  in  the  course  of  the  migration 
southward  attained  that  perfection  in  its  organization, 
and  obtained  that  power  as  a  distinct  body  which  en 
abled  them  to  direct  the  several  lines  of  improvement 
leading  up  to  the  civilization  finally  reached,  can  of 
course  never  be  definitely  determined.  If  the  sugges 
tion  that  the  southern  system  was  a  development  from 
the  northern,  should  by  further  study  be  found  prob 
able,  this  development  must  of  course  have  been 
gradual.  Although  the  evidence  shows  that  the  great, 
and  apparently  rapid  advance  in  civilization  after  it 
was  once  clearly  started,  was  due  chiefly  to  the  priest 
hood,  the  attempt  to  determine  where  this  start  took 
place  would  be  in  vain. 

If  the  supposition  that  the  Mayas,  or  at  least  the 
•eastern  division  thereof,  occupied  for  a  time  the  re- 


360  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

gion  of  Tula  (Mexico)  and  Teotihuacan,  and  were 
the  authors  of  some  of  the  works  of  those  localities 
be  correct,  we  may  feel  assured  that  the  priesthood 
had  by  this  time  come  largely  into  power  as  a  body  ; 
that  there  was  here  an  organization  of  some  kind. 
If,  as  the  writer  is  inclined  to  believe  is  true,  the- 
Mayas  who  occupied  this  region  probably  with  the  To- 
tonacas,  consisted  of  the  eastern  branch  which  had 
followed  the  Huastecas  as  heretofore  suggested,  their 
priesthood  must  have  been  organized,  and  the  Palen- 
que  and  Votan  problems  become  less  difficult  to  solve. 
The  traditions  of  the  other  (western)  branch  indicate 
that  their  priesthood  did  not  come  fully  into  power 
until  they  reached  that  Tulan  which  we  suggest  was 
somewhere  in  or  near  Chiapas.  Here  it  is  said  they 
received  their  gods.  The  statement  in  the  Quiche 
tradition  which  says  :  "Truly  Tohil  is  the  name  of 
the  god  of  the  Yaqui  nation  who  was  called  Yolcuat 
Quetzalcoatl,"  indicates  beyond  question  contact  with 
the  Aztecs,  though  the  identification  of  Tohil  with 
Quetzalcoatl  is  probably  incorrect.  The  contact  of 
priesthoods  is  probably  implied. 

It  appears  certain,  however,  that  Mayan  hieroglyphs 
did  not  come  into  use  until  the  valley  of  the  Usuma- 
cinta  was  reached.  The  origin  of  these  is  difficult  to 
explain,  and  will  probably  remain  an  unsolved  prob 
lem  until  explorations  shall  bring  to  light  some  rude 
beginnings  from  which  they  were,  or  may  have  been 
developed. 

The  Mayan  glyphs  are  of  a  widely  different  type  from 
the  Mexican,  though  they  may  have  passed  through 
some  of  the  same  stages  of  growth,  but  the  general 
consensus  of  opinion  is  that  the  Mayan  is  the  older  of 


Priests — Hieroglyphs — Calendar .  361 

the  two  classes,  and  that  these  two  classes  have  de 
veloped  independently.  As  it  seems  apparent  that 
they  were  not  brought  into  use  until  some  of  the 
Mayas  had  reached  the  Usumacinta  valley,  it  seems 
possible  that  they  are  not  older  than  the  Mexican 
symbols,  though  the  opposite  view  is  generally  enter 
tained. 

It  has  been  found  possible  to  determine  with  rea 
sonable  certainty  the  objects  from  which  some  few  of 
the  Mayan  symbols  were  drawn.  These  derivations 
indicate  that  the  symbols  had  already  been  brought 
into  use  when  they  were  adopted  to  represent  the 
days,  and  that  considerable  advance  had  been  made 
in  hieroglyphic  writing.  We  are  compelled,  there 
fore,  to  admit  that  the  origin  of  this  writing  is  a 
mystery  we  are  unable  to  fully  penetrate.  The  va 
rious  steps  through  which  several  of  the  characters 
used  had  passed  before  reaching  their  final  forms  may 
be  theoretically  traced,  but  monumental  evidence  on 
this  point  is  wanting,  at  least  so  far  as  the  author  is 
aware.  There  can  be.  but  little  if  any  doubt  that 
their  development  and  use  was  due  to  the  priests.  It 
also  appears  that  this  form  of  writing  was  confined 
to  the  Mayan  tribes,  a  fact  which,  considering  the  in 
timate  relations  of  these  tribes  with  other  stocks,  in 
dicates  that  it  had  advanced  to  that  stage  which  pre 
vented  its  adaptation  to  other  languages.  More 
especially  does  this  appear  to  be  a  proper  conclusion 
when  we  take  into  consideration  the  fact  that  the  so- 
called  "Native  Calendar"  had  been  adopted  by  some 
half  a  dozen  different  stocks. 

How  are  we  to  account  for  the  spread  of  the  com 
plicated  calendar  system  through  so  many  different 


362          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

and  even  hostile  stocks,  as  stated  in  a  preceding  chap 
ter,  when  each  had  necessarily  to,  or  at  least  did,  assign 
different  names  to  the  days  and  months,  and  adopted 
different  symbols,  so  far  as  these  are  known  to  have 
been  brought  into  use  ?  There  seems  to  be  but  one  an 
swer  :  it  was  through  the  influence  of  the  priests.  Nor 
does  this  appear  to  solve  the  problem,  except  upon  the 
further  supposition  that  there  was  some  kind  of  rela 
tionship,  understanding  or  intercourse  between  the 
priesthoods  of  the  different  stocks  or  tribes,  not  lim 
ited  by  ethnic  lines.  It  is  only  by  the  supposition  of 
"a  powerful  secret  organization,"  as  Dr.  Brinton  has 
shown,  "extending  over  a  wide  area,  including  mem 
bers  of  different  languages  and  varying  culture," 
that  the  spread  of  Nagualism  can  be  explained. 
That  the  various  stocks  and  tribes,  some  of  which 
were  at  constant  war  with  one  another,  should  have 
adopted  the  same  calendar  system,  which  was  espe 
cially  adapted  to  the  work  and  office  of  the  priests, 
except  through  their  influence,  seems  impossible. 
Moreover,  that  influence  must  have  been  specially 
exerted  for  this  purpose  and  to  this  end.  Is  it  not 
possible  that  this  will  serve  in  part  to  explain  the 
numerous  traditions  relating  to  the  sudden  appear 
ance  of  priestly  civilizers  in  various  sections? 

The  traditions  of  the  Mexicans  and  Central  Ameri 
cans  regarding  the  sudden  appearance  in  their  midst 
and  as  sudden  departure  of  great  reformers  and  civil 
izers,  who  were  afterward  regarded  as  culture  heroes, 
have  long  been  and  still  continue  to  be  puzzles,  in  re 
gard  to  which  students  have,  as  yet,  been  unable  to 
offer  any  generally  accepted  solution.  It  is  Quetzal- 
•coatl  among  the  Mexicans,  Votan  among  the  tribes  of 


Priests — Hieroglyphs — Calendar .  363 

the  Usumacinta,  Cukulcan  and  Itzamna  among  the 
Mayas  of  Yucatan,  and  Gucurnatz  with  the  tribes  of 
Guatemala. 

Some  authors  attempt  to  explain  these  by  the  solar 
myth,  resolving  all  these  traditional  founders  into 
personified  Dawn,  Lightning,  and  the  like.  But  as 
Hutson  justly  remarks  :  "We  have  had  abundant  evi 
dence  that  this  method  of  explanation  can  be  pushed 
too  far,  and  its  results  have  always  been  too  vague  to 
add  any  thing  to  our  real  knowledge  of  early  ethnic 
life."  Is  it  not  possible  that  these  traditional  person 
ages  were  priestly  messengers  traveling  from  tribe  to 
tribe  to  weld  together  a  common  brotherhood?  Such 
a  supposition  would  not  be  more  extravagant  than 
that  theory  which  makes  of  them  sun  and  light 
myths. 

If  the  statement  made  by  some  writers,  that  war 
was  often  waged  between  Mexican  nations  by  agree 
ment  or  understanding  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
captives  for  sacrifice,  be  true,  it  is  certain  that  this 
was  instigated  by  the  priests,  and,  moreover,  indi 
cates  some  secret  relation  between  the  different  priest 
hoods.  It  is  proper,  however,  to  remark  that  Bandelier 
questions  this. 

The  division  of  the  year  into  eighteen  months  of 
twenty  days  each  is  the  most  radical  change  of  the 
system  from  the  usual  lunar  count,  or  count  by 
moons.  It  is  generally  admitted  by  scholars  who 
have  referred  to  the  subject,  that  the  original  Mayan 
calendar  must  have  been  based  on  the  usual  lunar 
count.  There  is  even  positive  evidence  that  there 
was  in  vogue  at  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards,  at  least 
in  some  sections,  a  secular  month  of  thirty  days,  giv- 


364  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

ing  twelve  months  to  the  year.  In  the  "Report  on 
the  City  of  Valladolid,  written  by  the  Corporation  of 
the  city  by  order  of  His  Majesty  and  the  very  illus 
trious  Senor  Don  Guillen  de  las  Casas,  Governor  and 
Captain  General,  April,  1529,"  we  find  the  following 
statement :  "They  [the  Indians]  divided  the  time  by 
months  of  thirty  days,  and  on  the  first  day  of  the 
year,  before  dawn,  every  one,  including  the  Alquin 
[priest] ,  watched  for  the  rising  sun  and  held  a  great 
feast  on  that  day."  That  this  change  could  have  come 
about  by  any  gradual  process  seems  impossible.  "We 
are  therefore  justified  in  believing  that  it  was  arbitra 
rily  made  by  the  priests,  or  that  it  was  brought  into 
vogue  through  some  foreign  influence.  Mention  of 
the  lunar  count  and  the  year  of  twelve  months  is 
also  made  by  other  early  writers. 

Where  and  in  what  stock  did  this  calendar  have  its 
origin,  are  questions  to  which  students  will  probably 
never  be  able  to  give  satisfactory  answers.  If  we 
could  decide  positively  which  came  into  vogue  first, 
the  calendar  or  the  symbolic  writing,  we  might  give 
approximately  correct  answers.  That  the  Mayan  hiero 
glyphs,  as  has  already  been  stated,  did  not  come  into 
use  until  the  people  of  this  stock  had  reached  the  valley 
of  theUsumacinta,  may  perhaps  be  confidently  asserted. 
It  may  also  be  confidently  asserted  that  the  Mexican 
method  of  representing  days  and  numbers  did  not  come 
into  use  until  after  the  Aztecs  had  settled  in  the  valley 
of  Anahuac.  It  is  stated  in  the  Cakchiquel  Annals, 
according  to  Dr.  Brinton's  translation,  that  among  the 
tributes  they  paid  at  Tulan  were  "astrological  calen 
dars  and  reckoning  calendars."  If  this  refers  to  the 
"Native  Calendar,"  it  follows  that  both  calendar  and 


Priests — Hieroglyphs — Calendar.  365 

symbols  were  then  in  use.  However,  as  we  have  en 
deavored  to  show,  the  advanced  Mayan  tribes  were 
already  located  in  the  Usumacinta  region  when  the 
Cakchiquels  reached  this  Tulan.  It  will  perhaps  be 
safe  to  assume  that  the  various  stocks  using  the 
calendar  had  reached  substantially  their  historic  seats 
at  the  time  of  its  adoption. 

That  such  a  time  system  could  have  come  into 
use  independently  in  some  half-dozen  different  stocks, 
relatively  at  the  same  time,  seems  improbable.  As  its 
origin  is  most  naturally  ascribed  to  one  stock  or  people, 
it  must  have  been  forced  upon  other  peoples  by  some 
strong  pressure  instigated  by  the  priests,  or  brought 
into  use  through  the  influence  of  the  priesthood.  By 
the  earlier  authors  it  is  attributed  to  the  Toltecs,  which 
according  to  the  view  herein  adopted  would  be  indefi 
nite,  but  most  likely  would  refer  to  the  Mayas  while 
in  central  Mexico,  or  at  least  before  reaching  their 
historic  localities.  Orozco  y  Berra,  who  is  followed 
in  this  respect  by  Dr.  Seler,  expressed  the  opinion 
with  confidence  that  it  had  its  origin  among  the  Za- 
potecs.  Dr.  Brinton  says  he  has  been  unable  to  reach 
any  definite  decision  on  the  question,  but  is  inclined 
to  the  opinion  "that  it  was  the  invention  of  that  an 
cient  branch  of  the  Mayan  stock  who  inhabited  the 
present  states  of  Chiapas  and  Tabasco." 

It  is  probable  that  the  former  opinion  is  the  correct 
one.  The  evidences  of  an  impress  of  culture  by  the 
Zapotecs  upon  the  Mexicans,  or  the  reverse,  have  been 
referred  'to.  The  figures  recently  copied  by  Prof. 
Frederick  Starr  from  the  Mitla  ruins,  and  published  in 
his  "Notes  on  Mexican  Archaeology,"  show  types 


366          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

corresponding  beyond  question  with  those  of  the 
Mexicans. 

One  prominent  feature  of  these  figures  is  the  Tlaloc 
nose — or  elephant-like  probocis. 

It  may  be  that  the  Zapotecs  were  the  pioneers  in 
Central  American  civilization.  It  is  certain,  as  we 
have  seen,  that  some  of  the  peculiar  types  found  at 
Mitla  appear  also  at  Quemada,  a  fact  which  has  been 
noticed  by  several  writers. 

The  conclusions  which  seem  to  be  most  in  accord 
with  the  data  are  : 

That  the  Mayan  stock  came  from  the  north-west, 
substantially  along  the  same  route  followed  subse 
quently  by  the  Nahuatl  tribes,  and  that  they  had 
been,  at  some  early  day,  previous  to  or  soon  after  en 
tering  the  area  of  Mexico,  in  comparatively  close 
relations  with  the  Nahuatl  stock. 

That  somewhere  in  central  Mexico,  one  branch,  or 
part  of  the  family  led  by  the  Huastecas,  broke  away 
from  the  other  part  and  pushing  in  advance,  in  com 
pany  with  the  Totonacas,  occupied  for  a  time  the  re 
gion  embracing  the  Mexican  Tula  and  Teotihuacan. 
The  Huastecas  and  Totonacas  moved  on  to  the  gulf 
shore,  while  the  remaining  portion  of  this  eastern 
branch  passed  on  southward  to  the  valley  of  the 
Usumacinta,  a  part  at  least  going  by  way  of  Tabasco, 
another  portion  going  directly  to  the  upper  portion  of 
the  valley.  From  these  colonies  the  Peten  region  and 
the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  were  peopled.  The  other 
branch,  after  dwelling  for  a  time  in  the  region  of 
Chiapas,  scattered  in  tribes  south  and  south-east  to 
their  historic  seats. 

That  the   advance  in  the   architectural  art   began 


Priests — Hierog  lyp  hs —  Calendar .  367 

while  they  were  yet  in  central  Mexico,  its  rapid  pro 
gress  being  due  to  the  influence  of  the  priesthood. 

That  the  use  of  hieroglyphs  among  the  Mayas  be 
gan  with  the  colonies  who  settled  on  the  Usumacinta. 

That  the  calendar  probably  had  its  origin  with  the 
Zapotecs,  and  that  it  spread  to  the  different  stocks 
through  the  direct  influence  of  the  priests. 


368  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

CONCLUSION. 

Although  it  is  true,  as  stated  in  the  opening  chap 
ter,  that  the  monuments  and  relics  must  be  our  chief 
reliance  in  studying  the  customs,  arts  and  activities 
of  prehistoric  peoples,  language  must  form  the  chief 
basis  here,  as  has  been  found  true  in  the  old  world,  of 
the  theories  relating  to  the  more  remote  periods,  when 
the  identification  of  race  or  stock  is  the  object  in  view. 
The  character  and  types  of  the  monuments  and  arte 
facts  and  to  some  extent  of  customs  and  superstitions, 
as  shown  by  what  has  been  presented  in  the  preceding 
chapters,  are  largely  the  result  of  physical  environ 
ment  ;  hence,  in  attempts  to  trace  relationship  of 
tribes  and  peoples  and  to  follow  the  movements  of  pop 
ulation  in  prehishoric  times,  language  must  be  our 
chief  reliance.  But  language  and  monuments,  so  far 
as  the  latter  are  to  be  found,  should  tell  the  same 
tale. 

The  coincident  testimony  of  these  two  classes  of  ev 
idence,  fortified  by  other  data  bearing  on  the  subject, 
lead  to  and  seem  to  justify  the  geographical  division 
of  North  America,  in  reference  to  its  archaeology,  into 
the  three  primary  regions  which  have  been  outlined. 
If  this  conclusion  be  accepted,  at  least  so  far  as  it  re 
lates  to  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  divisions,  it  will 
(leaving  out  of  view  the  question  of  origin  or  race) 
relieve  the  study  of  prehistoric  North  America  of  some 


Conclusion.  369 

hitherto  troublesome  questions  and  eliminate  some 
theories  still  advocated.  It  will  form  one  important 
step  in  the  arrangement  of  the  archaeological  data  of 
the  northern  continent. 

Led  by  the  dim  rays  of  light  the  data  afford,  rely 
ing  chiefly  on  language,  geographical  features  and  tra 
dition,  together  with  the  few  historic  facts  relating  to 
the  more  recent  migrations,  the  conclusion  reached 
is  that  the  great  movements  of  population  in  pre 
historic  times  in  North  America  have  been  southward. 
Tracing  back  the  streams  toward  their  sources,  we 
have  found  that  the  converging  point  appears  to  be 
the  inhospitable  region  stretching  from  the  western 
shore  of  Hudson's  Bay  to  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Thence  two  streams  flowed  southward  :  parted  by  the 
great  treeless  plains  stretching  from  the  Saskatchewan 
to  the  Rio  Grande,  one  moved  south  along  the  moun 
tain  skirt  and  passed  to  the  Pacific  side,  the  other 
going  to  the  Atlantic  side.  From  straying  bands 
seeking  localities  of  more  abundant  food,  which  be 
came  permanently  separated  from  the  parent  group, 
were  developed,  in  all  probability,  partly  by  growth  and 
partly  by  combination,  one  with  another,  many,  possibly 
most,  of  the  so-called  stocks  ;  others  had  possibly  been 
differentiated  before  reaching  the  continent,  if,  as  is  not 
improbable,  the  peopling  was  by  the  incoming  of  suc 
cessive  parties  along  substantially  the  same  route. 

However,  the  reader  must  keep  in  mind  the  fact 
that  there  are  two  theories  in  regard  to  the  general 
movements  of  population  in  the  Atlantic  division  in 
prehistoric  times,  each  of  which  is  maintained  by 
strong  advocates.  One  of  these  is  that  which  has 
24 


370  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

been  followed  in  this  work,  the  other  that  which  holds 
that  the  spread  of  population  has  been  from  the  At 
lantic  border.  If  the  latter  theory  be  adopted,  and  it 
be  assumed  that  the  Pacific  slope  was  populated  from 
this  eastern  group,  it  would  seem  necessary,  from  the 
evidence  herein  presented  in  regard  to  the  movements 
on  the  Pacific  side,  to  assume  that  one  important  stream 
from  the  Atlantic  side  flowed  north-westward,  at  least 
as  far  north  as  the  headwaters  of  the  Missouri  (and  even 
farther,  judging  by  the  movements  of  the  Athapascans) , 
and  then  turned  southward,  moving  down  the  western 
side.  For  it  seems  certain  that  the  great  plains  formed 
a  barrier  seldom  traversed  in  prehistoric  times  except 
toward  their  northern  extremity.  It  might  perhaps 
be  consistent  with  this  theory  to  assume  that  the 
Mayan  group  moved  southward  along  the  Gulf  coast. 
Although  this  theory  of  a  dispersion  from  the  Atlantic 
coast  is  held  by  a  number  of  able  advocates,  the 
author  of  this  work  has  been  led  by  his  study  of  the 
evidence  to  believe  that  the  Atlantic  division  was  pop 
ulated  from  the  north-west,  and  that  the  Pacific  di 
vision  received  its  population  chiefly  from  the  same 
region.  The  reader,  however,  is  left  to  accept  either 
theory  which  appears  to  him  to  be  most  in  accord  with 
the  data  which  we  have  presented. 

In  our  attempts  to  trace  back  the  development  of 
tribes  and  peoples  to  more  distant  eras,  we  have,  when 
the  monuments  and  other  evidence  failed  us,  appealed 
to  language  as  indicating  former  relationship,  but  it 
is  necessary  here  also  to  remind  the  reader  that  on 
this  point  different  view^s  are  entertained  by  linguists. 
On  the  one  side,  it  is  held  by  some  authors  that  affinity 
of  languages  implies  racial  identity  or  unity  of  origin  ; 
on  the  other,  it  is  contended  that  the  theory  that  the 


Conclusion.  371 

affinity  of  languages  necessarily  implies  identity  of 
race  is  not  warranted.  It  may  be  stated  as  evi 
dent  that  where  a  tribe  or  people  has  incorporated 
into  itself  elements  from  another  race  or  stock,  as  the 
negroes  in  the  United  States,  and  these  elements  have 
adopted  the  language  of  that  tribe  or  people,  the  lan 
guage  will  not  be  an  evidence  of  race.  It  is  prob 
able  that  the  correct  theory  will  be  found  interme 
diate  between  these  two,  and  this  position,  we  no 
tice,  has  been  taken  by  Mr.  A.  H.  Keane  in  his  recent 
work  on  ethnology.  Another  view,  also  intermediate, 
but  differing  somewhat  from  any  yet  presented,  and 
which  promises  apparently  to  be  more  comprehensive 
in  its  scope,  appears  to  be  foreshadowed  by  Major  J. 
W.  Powell,  director  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Eth 
nology,  in  his  remarks  on  the  Indian  linguistic  fam 
ilies  in  his  7th  Annual  Report.  He  says  : 

"The  opinion  that  the  differentiation  of  languages 
within  a  single  stock  is  mainly  due  to  the  absorption 
of  materials  from  other  stocks,  often  to  the  extin 
guishment  of  the  latter,  has  grown  from  year  to  year 
as  the  investigation  has  proceeded.  Wherever  the 
material  has  been  sufficient  to  warrant  a  conclusion 
on  this  subject,  no  language  has  been  found  to  be  sim 
ple  in  its  origin,  but  every  language  has  been  found 
to  be  composed  of  diverse  elements.  The  processes 
of  borrowing  known  in  historic  times  are  those  which 
have  been  at  work  in  prehistoric  times,  and  it  is  not 
probable  that  any  simple  language  derived  from  some 
single  pristine  group  of  roots  can  be  discovered." 

Our  allusions,  therefore,  to  the  inference  which 
may  be  drawn  from  affinity  in  language  as  evidence 
of  migrations  must  be  taken  only  as  indicative  of 


372  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

former  intimate  relationship  of  some  kind,  not  neces 
sarily  racial,  for  affinity  in  languages  necessarily  im 
plies  former  intimate  relationship  of  some  kind. 

That  the  chief  stream  on  the  Pacific  side  had  its 
source  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  the  region 
mentioned  seems  likely  from  what  has  been  shown  in 
regard  to  the  general  course  of  migration  so  far  as  it 
can  be  traced.  One  puzzling  feature  of  the  California 
and  Oregon  coast  appears  to  receive  at  least  a  partial 
explanation  by  this  theory  of  movements  on  the  west 
ern  side  of  the  continent.  We  allude  to  the  large 
number  of  diminutive  stocks,  as  heretofore  mentioned, 
crowded  into  this  narrow  shore  strip. 

The  explanation  of  the  problem  appears  to  be  found 
in  the  position  of  the  minor  Athapascan  offshoots  lo 
cated  along  the  coast  of  Oregon  and  California.  Al 
though  the  later  movements  of  these  branches,  which 
brought  them  to  their  historic  homes,  have  taken  place 
within  modern  times,  the  date  when  some  of  them  re 
moved  from  their  priscan  habitats  probably  belongs  to 
the  prehistoric  era,  though  comparatively  recent.  The 
other  minor  stocks  are  probably  fragments  of  other 
families  from  which  they  separated  at  a  much  earlier 
date,  which,  under  the  influence  of  changed  surround 
ings  and  through  intermarriages  and  combinations 
with  other  bands,  have  formed  new  groups  and  new 
languages.  The  following  remarks  by  Dr.  Gibbs,  who 
is  considered  an  authority  on  the  Indian  tribes  of  this 
region,  may  be  appropriately  quoted  here  : 

"If  I  may  hazard  a  conjecture  at  present,  it  is  that 
the  Tah-kali  [Dene]  and  Selish  families,  with  perhaps 
the  Shoshone  and  some  others,  originated  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains ;  that  the  country  between  that 


Conclusion.  373 

chain  and  the  great  lakes  has  been  a  center  from 
which  population  has  diverged  ;  that  these  two  tribes 
crossed  by  the  northern  passes  of  the  mountains  ;  and 
that  their  branches  have'  since  been  pushing  westward 
and  southward.  Whether  the  southern  branches  of 
the  Tah-kali  have  been  separated  and  driven  on  by 
the  subsequent  irruption  of  the  Selish,  or  whether 
they  have  passed  over  their  heads,  can,  perhaps,  be 
ascertained  on  a  severe  comparison  of  the  different 
dialects  into  which  each  has  become  divided  ;  it  being 
reasonable  to  infer  that  those  which  differ  most  from 
the  present  are  the  oldest  in  date  and  emigration. 

"The  route  of  the  Selish  has  obviously  been  along 
the  courses  of  the  two  great  rivers,  the  Frazer  and 
the  Columbia.  By  the  former,  they  seem  to  have 
penetrated  to  the  sea,  while  on  the  latter  they  were 
stopped  by  the  Sahaptin  and  the  Tsinuk.  Some 
branches  undoubtedly  crossed  the  Cascade  range,  at 
different  points,  to  the  Sound,  and  the  country  inter 
mediate  between  that  and  the  Columbia.  And  the 
Tilamuk  have  overstepped  that  boundary  and  fixed 
themselves  on  the  coast  of  Oregon.  The  southern 
limit  of  the  Tah-kali  is  not  yet  ascertained.  Mr. 
Hale  identified  the  Umkwa  as  an  offshoot.  Lieuten 
ant  Kautz  has  lately  shown  the  Tu-tu-ten  to  be  another, 
and  it  is  possible  that  some  of  the  California  languages 
may  also  be  assimilated.  Dr.  Newell  states  that, 
since  he  was  first  in  the  Indian  country,  all  the  great 
tribes  have  been  gradually  breaking  up  into  bands. 
"Whenever  two  chiefs  attain  about  an  equality  of 
power  and  influence,  jealousies  arise,  which  lead  to  a 
separation  of  the  tribe.  These  are  formed  by  many 
causes,  the  chattering  of  the  women,  of  course,  among 


374  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

others.  Before  the  introduction  of  firearms,  the 
range  of  the  different  tribes  was  more  limited  than 
now.  They  did  not  travel  so  far  from  their  own 
country.  This  last  is  less  applicable  to  the  coast 
tribes  than  to  those  of  the  interior.  The  former  are, 
however,  more  split  up,  and  those  of  the  Sound  coun 
try,  perhaps,  most  of  all.  The  influence  possessed 
even  by  those  claiming  to  be  head  chiefs  has  become 
almost  nothing ;  and  in  case  of  any  disagreement  in 
a  band,  the  dissatisfied  party  move  off  to  a  little  dis 
tance  and  take  the  name  of  the  ground  they  occupy, 
or  any  one  desirous  of  establishing  a  band  on  his  own 
account  induces  a  party  of  his  immediate  followers  to 
accompany  him,  and  start,  as  it  were,  a  new  colony. 
It  is  to  this  separation,  and  to  the  petty  hostilities 
which  often  grew  out  of  it,  that  we  must  mainly  at 
tribute  the  diversity  of  dialects  prevailing." 

The  southward  movement  was  a  slow  process,  re 
quiring  possibly  thousands  of  years,  during  which 
streams  were  split  into  branches,  while  others  per 
haps  coalesced.  However,  in  studying  the  history 
and  migrations  of  the  aborigines  in  prehistoric  times, 
we  must  disabuse  our  minds  of  the  idea  of  a  dense 
population.  We  have  spoken  in  the  preceding  chap 
ters  of  the  "growth  and  swelling  of  the  mass"  in  the 
terms  used  by  writers  in  relation  to  the  movements  of 
peoples  in  the  old  world,  yet  the  idea  obtained  is  likely 
to  prove  erroneous  without  explanation,  as  the  usual 
estimate  of  our  native  population  is  erroneous.  The 
native  population  of  the  Atlantic  division  was  prob 
ably  at  no  time  as  great  in  numbers  as  has  been  sup 
posed  by  those  who  have  not  carefully  investigated 
the  subject.  Detached  villages  scattered  over  a  large 


Conclusion.  375 

rarea  were  necessary  to  a  people  depending  on  the  chase 
alone  for  subsistence  ;  and  when  the  country  was  clear 
before  them,  bands  would  continue  to  wander  farther 
and  farther  from  each  other,  thus  by  long  isola 
tion  and  the  influence  of  changed  physical  conditions 
giving  rise  to  new  tribes  and  stocks  and  various  cus 
toms.  It  is  therefore  in  this  sense  the  growth  and 
expansion  of  the  native  population,  while  depending 
on  the  chase,  is  to  be  understood.  The  Indians  would 
have  considered  Illinois  crowded  had  it  contained  one- 
twentieth  the  number  of  souls  now  living  in  the  city 
of  Chicago ;  and  Pennsylvania  overstocked  with  a 
population  of  fifty  thousand  or  even  forty  thousand. 

As  more  congenial  climes  were  reached  in  their 
movement  southward,  and  cultivation  of  the  soil  be 
gan,  the  tribes  became  more  and  more  sedentary  and 
the  arts  developed.  The  discovery  of  maize  and  its 
use  as  a  food  plant  was  probably  one  of  the  most 
potent  agencies  in  bringing  about  this  sedentary  con 
dition.  Its  use  crept  slowly  northward  against  the 
tide,  changing  nomads  and  hunters,  at  least  partially, 
into  settled  agricultural  tribes.  The  strong  families 
•occupied  the  interior  choice  districts,  pressing  the 
older,  weaker  and  broken  stocks  to  the  shores. 

Moving  southward  from  the  cold  and  inhospitable 
sections  of  the  north,  it  is  not  until  we  reach  the  more 
favored  districts,  where  agriculture  was  resorted  to  as 
a  partial  means  of  subsistence,  that  monuments  indi 
cating  an  advanced  culture  appear.  It  is  in  Ohio,  in 
the  lower  Mississippi  valley  and  the  Gulf  states  of  the 
mound  section — regions  of  richest  soil  and  best 
adapted  to  agriculture — that  the  most  stately  mounds 
and  imposing  earthworks  are  found.  Moving  south- 


376  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

ward  on  the  Pacific  side  it  is  in  the  mild  climate  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America,  the  land  of  maize  and 
tropical  fruits,  we  find  evidences  of  the  most  advanced 
civilization.  Wisconsin  or  the  effigy-mound  region 
possibly  forms  an  exception  to  this  rule,  yet  some  of 
the  tribes  of  the  southern  half  of  that  state,  where 
the  chief  works  are  found,  may  have  entered  the  agri 
cultural  stage  at  the  time  they  were  constructed, 
nevertheless  the  objects  imitated  indicate  that  they 
were  still  in  the  hunting  state,  although  they  must 
have  been  to  a  large  extent  sedentary. 

Development  of  culture  appears  to  have  been  in 
some  degree  retroactive,  that  is  to  say,  although  the 
unfolding  seems  to  have  been  from  north  toward  the 
south,  yet  the  more  advanced  culture  seems  to  have 
moved  backward,  to  some  extent,  on  its  pathway. 
What  appear  to  be  evidences  of  this  are  found  in  the 
mound  area  where  a  few  large  pyramidal  mounds  of 
the  true  southern  type  are  found  north  of  the  Ohio  in 
Illinois  and  Indiana,  and  strange  to  say,  in  one  in 
stance  at  least,  combined  with  a  northern  type  which 
seems  to  have  been  developed  in  and  was  confined 
almost  exclusively  to  the  limits  of  Wisconsin.  The 
same  thing  appears  to  have  been  true  to  some  extent 
in  the  Pacific  division,  especially  in  regard  to  certain 
customs  and  religious  ceremonies.  As  the  cultivation 
of  maize  extended  northward  against  the  stream,  it 
carried  with  it  some  new  arts  and  customs  which  orig 
inated  in  more  southern  climes.  It  is  evident,  how 
ever,  that  arts  and  customs  and  even  superstitions,  re 
sulted  to  a  considerable  extent  from  physical  condi 
tions.  This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  architecture, 
designs  and  customs  of  particular  districts,  which  are 


Conclusion.  377 

and  have  long  been  inhabited  by  widely  different 
stocks,  often  present  a  general  similarity.  This 
broad  resemblance,  or,  as  it  were,  uniform  coloring  or 
shading  of  various  forms  or  types,  is  due,  as  a  general 
rule,  to  the  physical  conditions  ;  as,  for  example,  in 
the  Pueblo  section,  and  California. 

No  evidence  of  buildings  of  stone,  adobe  or  burned 
brick  has  been  found  in  the  Atlantic  division.  Wood, 
which  was  abundant  in  most  sections,  supplied  ma 
terial  for  all  the  structures  their  customs  required. 
It  is  true  that  the  early  mound  explorers  speak  of 
burned  brick  found  in  southern  tumuli,  but  more  re 
cent  examinations  have  shown  the  material  to  be  but 
the  burnt  plastering  of  dwellings  consumed  by  fire. 
On  the  Pacific  side,  adobe  was  used  as  a  building  ma 
terial  from  Arizona  to  Oaxaca,  and  stone  was  the  chief 
material  of  structures  from  New  Mexico  to  the  Isth 
mus.  This  difference  is  of  course  to  be  attributed  in 
a  large  degree  to  the  differences  in  the  physical  con 
ditions  of  the  two  sections.  That  stone,  though  it 
might  be  laid  up  rudely  and  undressed,  and  adobe 
would  be  used  in  the  construction  of  dwellings  in  the 
arid  and  treeless  areas  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona, 
might  reasonably  be  surmised  in  advance  of  evidence. 

Judging  by  the  difference  in  the  advance  made  to 
ward  civilized  life,  the  character  of  the  monuments 
and  the  deeper  covering  of  earth  and  rubbish  over 
many  of  the  ruins  of  the  southern  sections  of  the  Pa 
cific  division,  the  reasonable  conclusion  seems  to  be 
that  the  latter  was  peopled  in  advance  of  the  Atlantic 
division.  Although  intercourse  between  the  two  di 
visions  appears  to  have  been  very  limited,  there  is 
some  evidence  that  a  few  designs  in  art  found  their 


378          Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

way  from  the  Pacific  into  the  Atlantic  division,  but 
none,  so  far  as  the  author  is  aware,  that  any  traveled 
in  the  opposite  direction. 

As  this  work  is  limited  to  the  archaeology  of  North 
America,  of  which  only  a  brief,  and,  in  some  respects, 
incomplete  notice  has  been  presented,  no  allusion  to 
South  American  antiquities  has  been  made.  How 
ever,  as  the  conclusion  reached  in  regard  to  the  possi 
bility  that  the  latter  continent  was  peopled  from  the 
former  will  have  an  important  bearing  on  some  of 
the  problems  discussed,  the  following  suggestions  are 
presented  : 

Although  we  have  not  discussed  the  origin  of  man 
in  America,  it  is  apparent  from  the  conclusion  reached 
in  regard  to  migrations  that  the  evidence  adduced 
points  to  the  extreme  north-west  Pacific  coast  as  a 
probable  point  of  entry  into  North  America,  Should 
this  conclusion,  which  corresponds  with  a  widely  pre 
vailing,  though  it  must  be  admitted  by  no  means 
universal,  opinion  of  the  present  day,  be  accepted, 
it  does  not  follow  as  a  necessary  inference  that 
South  America  was  peopled  from  the  same  source, 
or  by  the  same  route.  On  the  contrary,  a  careful 
consideration  of  the  data  points,  or  appears  to 
point,  rather  to  the  opposite  conclusion.  The  sup 
position  that  the  southern  continent  was  peopled 
from  the  northern  demands  an  immense  stretch  of 
time  that  seems  incompatible  with  the  archaeolog 
ical  features  of  the  latter.  The  comparative  age 
of  the  monuments  of  Peru  and  those  of  Central 
America,  as  estimated  by  the  more  conservative  stu 
dents,  will  not  justify  the  assumption  that  the  civil 
ization  of  the  former  region  was  carried  southward 


Conclusion.  379 

from  the  latter.  Moreover,  the  antiquities  and  lan 
guages  of  the  Isthmian  region  north  to  the  borders  of 
Nicaragua  indicate  a  northward  movement  to  this 
point,  where  it  seems  to  have  been  met  by  the  move 
ment  from  the  north.  It  appears  also  to  be  generally 
conceded  that  the  West  Indies  were  peopled  from  the 
southern  continent.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  no 
evidence,  archaeologic  or  linguistic,  of  a  northern  ele 
ment  in  the  southern  continent.  Peruvian  architec 
ture  was  peculiar  and  imposing,  and  shows  no  trace 
of  influence  from  Central  America  or  Mexico.  Slight 
indications  of  South  American  or  West  Indian  influ 
ence  are  claimed  to  have  been  discovered  in  southern 
Florida,  but  a  study  of  the  data  so  far  as  made  leads 
apparently  to  the  conclusion  that  this  was  the  result 
of  mere  contact,  and  not  from  a  northward  movement 
of  population,  the  people  even  of  the  Keys,  as  claimed 
by  some  authorities,  pertaining  to  the  northern  races. 
Although  the  attempt  to  determine  the  length  of  time 
man  has  lived  in  North  America  will  be  a  mere  guess 
and  nothing  more,  there  is  no  apparent  reason  for 
carrying  it  back  beyond  a  date  necessary  for  the  de 
velopment  of  the  various  tribes,  and  possibly  most  of 
the  stocks. 

It  is  possible,  though  the  proof  is  not  yet  sufficient 
to  gain  general  acceptance,  that  there  has  been  pre 
historic  contact  on  the  western  coast  of  Mexico  with 
people  from  the  Pacific  islands  or  south-eastern  Asia. 
While  these  pages  are  being  written,  news  comes  of 
the  discovery  in  the  state  of  Guerrero,  on  the  south 
west  coast  of  Mexico,  of  several  remarkable  groups 
of  ruins  showing  an  advanced  stage  of  culture. 
Among  the  ruins  are  remains  of  large  temples,  a  tab- 


380  Study  of  North  American  Archaeology. 

let  with  hieroglyphs,  the  character,  however,  not 
stated,  a  lofty  arch,  etc.  Should  these  prove  to  be  of 
the  character  indicated,  they  may  have  some  bearing 
on  the  question  of  the  origin  of  this  civilization. 
But  the  utmost  that  can  be  anticipated  in  this  direc 
tion  is  proof  of  foreign  influence  on  the  native  civil 
ization  already  in  the  process  of  development. 

Although  our  treatise  can  claim  to  be  nothing  more 
than  an  outline  of  the  subject  of  which  it  treats,  yet 
enough  has  been  presented  to  show  that  North  Amer 
ica  offers  an  archaeological  field  which  is  yet  to  yield 
a  rich  harvest  to  antiquarian  research,  a  field  which 
has  been  as  yet  but  little  worked  except  in  some  few 
districts,  but  well  deserves  to  be  thoroughly  cultivated. 
This  becomes  manifest  when  it  is  known  that  the  most 
extensive  group  of  pyramidal  mounds  in  the  Gulf 
States,  a  group  supposed  to  mark  the  site  of  one  of 
De  Soto's  halting  places,  remains  undisturbed  except  by 
the  plow,  and  that  the  largest  group  on  the  western  bank 
of  the  Mississippi  is  yet  unexplored  ;  and  is  emphasized 
when  is  added  the  further  statement,  confirmed  by  abun 
dant  evidence,  that  there  are  hundreds  of  undisturbed 
groups  of  ruins  in  Mexico  and  Central  America,  the 
thorough  exploration  of  which  would  enable  the 
archaeologist  to  solve  more  than  one  of  the  unsettled 
problems  relating  to  that  region.  It  is  but  recently 
that  the  writer  of  this  work  was  informed  that  there 
are  ruins  along  the  Rio  Panuco  which  bear  the  indi 
cations  of  advanced  Mayan  art,  and  which,  if  ex 
plored,  might  settle  the  doubtful  questions  regarding 
the  Huastecan  offshoot  from  the  great  Mayan  stock. 


ADDITIONS   AND   CORRECTIONS. 


Page  247:  Since  the  preparation  of  the  manuscript 
of  the  first  edition  further  progress  in  the  interpretation 
of  the  Maya  hieroglyphs  has  been  made.  For  example, 
the  first  seven  of  the  left  slab  of  the  Palenque  Tablet 
(page  246)  are  now  known  to  be  symbols  of  numbers  de 
noting  time  periods,  which  are  connected  by  interme 
diate  dates  and  numbers  to  other  dates  which  follow. 
All  similar  series  in  other  inscriptions  can  now  be  inter 
preted,  but  so  far  as  they  have  been  explained  refer  only 
to  time  counts,  indicating,  however,  that  the  Mayas  had 
an  era  to  which  most  of  these  counts  were  referred. 

Page  287:  Recent  explorations  in  the  Usumacinta 
valley  by  Theodore  Mahler  have  brought  to  light  a 
number  of  previously  unknown  ruins  of  much  the  same 
type  as  those  at  Palenque  and  Menche.  However,  the 
glyphs  of  the  inscriptions  are  not  so  clearly  and  dis 
tinctly  outlined  as  those  of  Palenque.  Another  impor 
tant  discovery  was  made  by  Thomas  Gan,  in  certain 
mounds  in  northern  Honduras  in  1899,  in  which  the 
inscriptions  and  paintings  show  an  unusual  blending  of 
Mayan  and  Mexican  designs. 

( 380a  ) 


INDEX. 


Acolhuans,  236. 

Adair,  Jas.,  70,  144,  145. 

Agriculture,  Mexican  and  Central 
American,  243. 

Aldrich,  J.  B.,  173. 

Alejandre,  M.,  on  origin  of  Huas- 
tecas,  334. 

Aleuts,  their  ancient  houses,  38; 
their  migrations,  44. 

Algonquian  family,  their  territory, 
48 ;  their  migrations,  158-9. 

Altar  mounds,  77 ;  Squier  and  Da 
vis  on,  78. 

American  Antiquarian,  157,  158 

American  Archipelago,  ancient 
houses  at,  38. 

Angel  mounds,  Vanderberg  Co., 
Ind.,  130. 

Apaches,  173,  174,  229. 

Archaeological  divisions,  16-21, 

Archaeology,  denned,  1 ;  Ameri 
can,  problems  of,  difficult,  2 ;  lo 
cal,  25-8. 

Architecture,  Central  American, 
249-50,  339-42 ;  beginning  of  the 
art,  354. 

Arctic  division,  17,  21,  35-47;  its 
monuments,  35-9 ;  its  imple 
ments  and  ornaments,  40-3. 

Athapascans,  139 ;  area  of,  171 ; 
their  divisions,  174-5 ;  their  mi 
grations,  174-6. 

Atlantic  division,  denned,  16,  48; 
its  archaeological  features,  49  ;  its 


monuments,  50;  its  tribes  and 
stocks,  139;  differentiation  of 
tribes  in,  147 ;  entry  of  popula 
tion  into,  148 ;  prehistoric  migra 
tions  in,  159-68;  its  buildings 
chiefly  wooden,  377. 

Aztalan,  Wisconsin,  ancient  works 
at,  129. 

Aztec  Springs,  Ariz.,  ruins  at,  215- 
17. 

Aztecs,  236,  248,  273,  345. 

Baldwin,  J.  D.,  cited,  316. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  cited,  199, 233,  240, 
284,  358;  quoted,  189;  defines 
interior  section,  203;  on  ruins 
at  Quemada,  254;  on  Mexican 
migrations,  314-15. 

Bandelier,  A.  F.,  cited,  240 ;  quoted, 
337 ;  on  archaeology  of  North 
western  Mexico,  222-9 ;  on  ruins 
at  Teotihaucan,  261 ;  on  pyramid 
of  Cholula,  268 ;  on  Mitlau  pot 
tery,  273 ;  on  Mexican  migra 
tions,  318 ;  on  growth  of  Mexican 
architectural  art,  348,  350-2. 

Banner  stones,  115. 

Bartlett  (J.  R.),  on  ruins  at  Casas 
Grandes,  224,  352. 

Bartram  (Wm.),  cited,  144. 

Bees,  domesticated  in  Central 
America,  244. 

Bessels  (Emil),  182. 

Boas  (Franz),  on  Eskimo  stone 
(381) 


382 


Index. 


structures,  38-9 ;  on  origin  and 
movements  of  Eskimo,  45. 

Bossu  (M.)  cited,  144. 

Bottles  from  mounds,  wide-mouth 
ed,  92;  long-necked,  94;  with 
\vinged-snake  design,  94. 

Bowls  from  mounds,  89-90;  repre 
senting  human  head,  93. 

Boyle  (David),  quoted,  88,  102. 

Brinton,  D.  G.,  cited,  324;  quoted, 
158,  344-5;  on  differences  be 
tween  Atlantic  and  Pacific  types, 
19-21;  on  the  Toltecs,  238;  on 
spread  of  nagualism,  362;  on 
origin  Central  American  calen 
dar,  365. 

Bronze,  11. 

Brownell,  on  Iroquois  traditions, 
161. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
vii,  30,  33,  62,  84,  103,  110,  119, 
139,  172,  180,  230,  346,  359,  371. 

Burial,  methods,  63-77  ;  order  as  to 
position  not  usually  observed, 
65 ;  in  eastern  Tennessee,  65-70  ; 
in  North  Carolina,  70;  in  box- 
shaped  stone  sepulchers,  70-2 ;  in 
wooden  vaults,  73 ;  in  Gulf  states, 
73 ;  in  ossuaries,  74 ;  inhuma 
tion,  74 ;  in  Canada,  74 ;  in  Ar 
kansas,  74-5 ;  use  of  fire  at,  75-7, 
144;  peculiar  method  in  north 
eastern  Missouri,  77  ;  in  triangu 
lar  pit,  80  ;  in  urns,  97  ;  beneath 
dwellings,  144 ;  in  sitting  posture, 
144;  removal  of  flesh  before, 
144;  body  wrapped  in  matting, 
145;  on  north-western  coast,  182. 

Burial  mounds,  61-8;  stratification 
of,  62 ;  north-western  type,  64, 

Buschmann  (J.  C.  E.),  cited,  234 ; 
on  relation  of  Shoshone  and 
Nahuatl  stocks,  316. 


Caddoan  stock,  49. 

Cahokia  mound  (Illinois),  63,  127. 

Cakchiquels,  their  migrations,  328, 
365;  traditions,  329;  annals,  364. 

Gala veras  skull,  190. 

Calendar,  Mexican  and  Central 
American,  241-3;  not  used  by 
Huastecas,  336 ;  spread  of,  361 ; 
based  on  lunar  count,  363  ;  origin 
of,  367. 

California  (section),  170,  187-202. 

Canon  de  Chelly,  230. 

Caracol  (see  Tower). 

Casa  del  Gobernador,  Uxmal,  291. 

Casa  Grande,  221,232. 

Casas  Grandes,  223-9,  232,  349. 

"  Castle"  (castillo),  Chichen-Itza, 
300. 

Cave  dwellings,  205-8 ;  method  of 
forming,  205;  along  the  Rio 
Mancos,  207. 

Central  America,  defined,  233;  its 
monuments,  276-311;  architec 
ture,  339-42 ;  civilization,339rt«eg. 

Chaco  canon,  ruins  in,  219-20. 

Chain  mounds,  57. 

Chapanecs,  234;  migrations  of,  320. 

Oharencey  (H.  de),  cited,  333. 

Charney,  Desire,  on  the  Toltecs, 
240  ;  his  discoveries  at  Tula,  257; 
on  ruins  of  Teotihuacan,  262-3; 
on  ruins  at  Mitla,  272,  274 ;  on 
ruins  at  Comaicalco,  276-7;  on 
Palenque,  285 ;  on  ruins  at  Lo- 
rillard  City,  286-7;  on  origin  civ 
ilized  races,  348-9. 

Chase,  A.  W.,  on  shell  mounds  of 
Oregon,  185,  198. 

Cherokees,  in  valley  of  Little  Ten 
nessee,  68,  76 ;  mound-builders, 
82,  153-4. 

Chichen-Itza,  ruins,  296-302;  or 
namentation  of  buildings,  297; 


Index. 


383 


nuns'  palace,  297-8  ;  tower,  299 ; 
castle  (castillo),  300;  gymna 
sium,  301 ;  house  of  tigers,  301 ; 
age  of,  302. 

Chichirnecas,  236,  240. 

Chicomoztoc,  319,  355. 

Chihuahua,  its  archaeology,  221-3, 
909 

*«Gw. 

Chiriqui  types,  180,  244. 

Cholula,  pyramid  of,  267  ;  not  Na- 
hautlan,  268. 

Civilization,  of  Mexican  section, 
240-51 ;  not  limited  by  tribal  or 
stock  boundaries,  240-1 ;  Central 
American,  339  et  seq.;  Central 
American,  rise  and  growth  of,  356 
ei  seq.;  begins  with  cultivation  of 
the  soil,  375 ;  retroactive,  376. 

Classification,  10-21 ;  difficulties  in 
the  way  of,  11 ;  division  fnto  four 
ages  not  applicable  in  America, 
11;  primary  classes,  12;  chiefly 
geographical,  13-21  (see  Archaeo 
logical  Divisions) ;  as  to  districts, 
29. 

Clavigero  (F.  S.),  cited,  239. 

Cocomes,  324. 

Cogolludo  (D.  L.),  323. 

Columns  (see  Pillars). 

Comalcalco,  ruins  at,  276-7  ;  men 
tion,  285,  347. 

Coinanches,  316. 

Comox  (B.  A.),  mounds  near,  184. 

Copan,  ruins  at,  305-10;  types, 
309-10. 

Copper,  among  the  Mexicans,  244 ; 
of  mound-builders  chiefly  from 
Lake  Superior,  113  ;  distribution 
in  Atlantic  division,  166. 

Copper  articles  from  mounds,  109- 
13 ;  unusual  type  from  Hopewell 
mound  (Ohio),  110;  with  fig 
ured  designs  (Georgia  and  Il 
linois),  111-12. 


Coronado  (F.  V.  de),  231. 
Craniology,  of  doubtful  value,  10. 
Crees,  160. 
Cremation,    on    north-west  coast, 

184. 
Cukulcan  (Maya  deity),  257,  293, 

302,  324,  363. 
Culture,  development  of,  376  (see 

Civilization). 
Cushing  (F.  H.),  cited,  224. 

Dakota,  effigy  mounds  in,  55. 

Dall  (W.  H.),  quoted,  18;  on  Aleu 
tian  shell  heaps,  36-7 ;  on  Cala- 
veras  skull,  191. 

Dene  (tribe),  172,  174,  175,  338  (see 
Athapascans). 

De  Soto  (Hernando),  expedition 
of,  140. 

Dixon,  on  Yakutat  burial,  182-3. 

Dog-ribs  (Indian  tribe),  174. 

Dorsey  (J.  O.),  cited,  162. 

Douglass,  A.  E.,  suggestion  as  to 
collections,  29. 

Dumont  (G.  M.),  on  shell  orna 
ments,  105. 

Du  Pratz  (Le  P.),  on  manufacture 
of  pottery  by  Indians,  96;  on 
Indian  houses,  135-7. 

Effigies,  surface,  149. 

Effigy    mounds,    described,   55-6; 

location,  59 ;  belong  to  same  era 

as  other  mounds,  148. 
Elephant  mound  (Wisconsin),  24, 

56. 
Elephant    trunk    ornament,    299, 

366 ;  masks  with,  293. 
Elongate      mounds      (see      Wall 

mounds). 
Engraved  shells,  67,  81,  83,  104-6 

(see  Shell  articles,  etc.). 
Eskimo,  area,  35;  stone  lamp,  37; 

labret,  38 ;  their  ancient  houses, 


384 


Index. 


39 ;  ulu  or  woman's  knife,  41 ; 
soapstone  pots,  42 ;  adze,  42 ; 
skin  scraper,  43  ;  flint  flaker,  43 ; 
their  culture  home,  43-7;  their 
migrations,  45;  their  southern 
extension,  146. 

Estufa,  231. 

Etowah  mounds  (Georgia),  63, 106, 
111,  114,  127. 

Evans,  R.  B.,  discovers  double  ter 
raced  mound  (Arkansas),  118. 

Fancourt  (C.  St.  J.),  cited,  324. 

Fergusson,  cited,  340. 

Fewkes,  AV.  J.,  on  pueblo  cults, 
359. 

Fire,  used  at  burials,  75. 

Florida,  shell  heaps  in,  60. 

Fort  Ancient,  Ohio,  125. 

Foster,  J.  W.,  cited,  316. 

Fowke,  Gerard,  on  mound-build 
ing,  63-4. 

Fretwork  at  Mitla,  272. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  on  original  Al- 
gonquian  stock,  158;  on  migra 
tions  of  Siouan  tribes,  162. 

Garcia,  on  origin  of  Chapanecs, 
320. 

Gatschet,  A.  S.,  quoted,  163, 164-5, 
317;  on  migrations  of  Athapas 
can  tribes,  175. 

Georgia,  effigy  mounds  in,  55. 

Gibbs  (Geo.),  quoted,  317;  on  mi 
grations  in  Washington  and  Ore 
gon,  202 ;  on  migrations  on  Pa 
cific  side,  372-4. 

Gila  valley  and  Chihuahua,  221-9. 

Glacial  man  (see  Paleolithic  age). 

Gold,  244. 

Goinara  (F.  L.  de),  on  migrations 
of  Xicalancas,  334. 


Government,  Aztec  and  Tezcucan, 
248. 

Governor's  house,  Uxmal,  290-2. 

Graves  with  stone  sepulchers,  71; 
seldom  found  in  Gulf  states,  73. 

Greenland,  eastern,  ancient  stone 
houses  of,  38. 

Grinnel,  G.  R.,  on  migrations  of 
the  Blackfeet,  160. 

Gucumatz  (deity  of  Guatemalan 
tribes),  363. 

Guerrero  (Mexico),  recent  discov 
eries  in,  379. 

Haidah  Indians,  177,  182. 

Hale,  Horatio,  on  original  home  of 
Lenape,  158 ;  on  relations  of  the 
Winnebagos,  162. 

Hardin  county,  Tennessee,  inclos- 
ure  in,  130. 

Hay  den,  F.  V.,  on  migrations  of 
the  Blackfeet,  160. 

Hawks'  bells  in  mounds,  86,  142. 

Haywood  (John),  cited,  76. 

Hernenway  expedition,  33. 

Herrera  (A.  de),  cited,  288;  on 
Mayan  traditions,  323-4,  341. 

Hieroglyphs,  246-8,  304 ;  primitive 
forms  wanting,  343;  the  work  of 
priests,  357 ;  Mayan  and  Mexi 
can  differ,  360;  origin  of  the 
Mayan,  360-1,  364,  367. 

Hill  fort,  Perry  county,  Ohio,  127. 

History  of  western  continent,  com 
mencement  of,  7. 

Hodge,  F.  W.,  on  advent  of  Nava- 
jos  in  Arizona,  175;  on  ancient 
irrigation  in  Arizona,  221 ;  on 
origin  of  cliff-dwellings,  230. 

Hoernes,  Moriz,  cited,  13. 

Holmes,  W.  H.,  cited,  88,  103,  108, 
180,  207,  279;  quoted,  341-2; 


Index. 


385 


method  of  study  followed  by, 
30-2 ;  on  pottery,  96 ;  his  classi 
fication  of  ruins  in  pueblo  sec 
tion,  204;  on  cliff-dwellings, 
210-11 ;  on  Aztec  Spring  ruins, 
215-17  ;  on  ruins  at  Teotihuacan, 
261-2;  on  Mitlan  art,  269-70; 
on  Central  American  structures, 
279;  on  ruins  at  Chichen-Itza, 
297. 

House  sites,  133-4. 

Houses  of  mound-builders,  133-7  ; 
material  and  construction,  135. 

Huastecas,  234, 321-2, 326,  347,  366 ; 
location  and  migrations  of,  332-6. 

Hupas,  174. 

Huron-Iroquois  stock,  154,  159. 

Hut  rings  (mounds),  132  ;  probably 
remains  of  wigwams,  133. 

Illinois,  effigy  mounds  in,  55. 
Inclosures,    121-32;     their    forms, 

121;   their  area,  122;  the  object 

for  which  constructed,  131. 
Indiana,  mounds  of,  59. 
Indians,  first  known  inhabitants, 

8-9;  were  mound-builders,  138- 

45 ;  no  proof  of  race  preceding, 

146,  150. 
Inhumation,  74. 
Iowa,  effigy  mounds  in,  55. 
Iron,  unknown  as  a  metal,  11 ;  in 

mounds,  67,  83,  142. 
Iroqnoian  family,  territory  of,  48; 

location,  157;  migrations,  160-1. 
Itzaes,  302  ;  their  migrations,  325. 
Itzamna   (Maya    deity),  293,   323, 

363. 

Irrigation,  ancient,  in  Arizona,  221. 
Izancanac,  284. 

Jones,  C.  C.,  quoted,  76. 

25 


Keane,  A.  H.,  on  paleolithic  man, 
6 ;  on  relation  of  language  and 
race,  371. 

Keary,  quoted,  6. 

Kentucky,  mounds  in,  59. 

Kera  (stock),  229. 

Kiva  (see  Estufa). 

Labrets,  181;  Eskimo,  38;  use  of, 
spread  north-east,  47. 

La  Hontan,  cited,  144. 

Lamps,  Eskimo,  37. 

Landa  (Diego  de),  quoted,  3C^  2; 
on  Mayan  tradition,  323-4. 

Language,  importance  of,  in  «r- 
chaeology,  9 ;  as  racial  test,  37C-1. 

Lapham,  I.  A.,  on  age  of  mounds, 
148. 

Lawson  (John),  cited,  145. 

Lead,  244. 

Le  Duo,  Violet,  cited,  340,  341. 

Lenape  migrations,  author's  the 
ory,  159. 

Le  Plongeon  (Dr.  A.),  discovery 
by,  345. 

Lewis,  T.  H.,  on  distribution  of 
effigy  mounds,  148. 

Linguistic  stocks,  of  Atlantic  di 
vision,  48 ;  in  California  and  Or 
egon,  187,  200,  372 ;  of  Mexican 
section,  233-4. 

Linn  Works,  Union  county,  Illi 
nois,  129. 

Lipans  (tribe),  174. 

Lizana  (Bernardo),  on  early  Mayan 
tradition,  323. 

Lorillard  City,  286-7. 

Los  Edificios,  ruins  known  as, 
251-6 ;  pyramid  at,  253 ;  arch  not 
used  at,  255. 

Lubbock,  Sir  John,  quoted,  3;  on 
migrations,  313. 


386 


Index. 


Lumholtz  ( — 
Madre,  222. 


-),  on  ruins  of  Sierra 


Maize,  243 ;  discovery  of,  375. 

Mams  (Maya  tribe),  322, 331,  335. 

Mackenzie,  Alex.,  cited,  176. 

Mancos  Canon,  ruins  in,  210,  219. 

Mangues  (Chapanec  tribe),  320. 

Manuscripts,  pre-Columbian,  245. 

Maps,  necessary,  26. 

Mascoutens  (tribe),  159. 

Masks,  107,  181 ;  snouted,  293. 

Mason,  0.  T.,  on  aboriginal  skin 
dressing,  49. 

Materials  for  study,  8-10. 

Matlazincas  241. 

Maudslay,  .V.  P.,  quoted,  305;  on 
ruins  at  Tikal,  303 ;  on  ruins  at 
Quirigua,  304. 

Mayan  days  and  symbols,  242. 

Mayan  stock,  234;  tribes  of,  241, 
321-2  ;  migrations  of,  326,  328-38 ; 
origin  and  route  of,  366. 

Mayapan,  288,  302,  324. 

Mayas,  239  ;  their  earliest  tra 
dition,  323;  origin,  354;  priestly 
power  among,  357 ;  in  Mexico, 
359-60. 

McGee,  W.  J.,  his  notice  of  "en 
trenched  mountains,"  222. 

Mechanical  arts  of  Nahuatl  tribes, 
244. 

Menche  (see  Lorillard  City). 

Mercer,  H.  C.,  cited,  115,  146;  cave 
explorations  by,  150;  on  caves 
of  Yucatan,  342. 

Mesa  Verde,  ruins  of,  208-10,  213, 
220. 

Metates,  226. 

Methods  of  study  (see  Study). 

Mexican,  days  and  symbols,  242 ; 
codices,  272. 


Mexican  section,  170,  233;  its 
boundaries,  233;  stocks,  233-4. 

Mexicans,  their  mechanical  arts, 
244. 

Mexico,  southern,  monuments  of, 
251 ;  north-western,  antiquities 
of,  342. 

Migrations,  23.  Prehistoric  in  At 
lantic  division,  152-68;  theories 
regarding,  156-7 ;  direction  south, 
south-east  and  east,  157.  On  Pa 
cific  side,  200-2;  of  Mexican  and 
Central  American  tribes,  312  et 
seq.;  Bancroft  on,  314-15.  In 
North  America,  chiefly  south 
ward,  369  ;  starting  point  of,  369; 
two  chief  streams,  369 ;  two  the 
ories  in  regard  to,  369-70 ;  a  slow 
process,  374;  checked  by  adop 
tion  of  agriculture,  375 ;  of  cer 
tain  Mayan  tribes,  328  et  seq. 

Mindeleff,  Cosmos,  on  origin  of 
cliff-dwellings,  230-1. 

Mindeleff,  Victor,  plan  of  Moki 
village  by,  218. 

Mississippi,  mounds  in,  59,  62. 

Mitla,  33 ;  its  ancient  structures, 
268-73;  general  character,  269- 
70;  buildings  of  one  story,  271; 
roofs  flat  and  supported  by  col 
umns,  271 ;  stairways  not  in  use 
at,  271 ;  fretwork  ornamenta 
tion,  272;  painted  designs,  272; 
its  pottery,  273 ;  its  age  and  de 
struction,  273-4;  founders  of,  319. 

Mixes,  their  migrations,  320. 

Mixtecs,  241 ;  their  culture  and 
relations,  268 ;  migrations.  318-19. 

Moki  (tribe),  222,  229,  359;  village 
type,  218. 

Montagnais  (tribe),  160. 

Monte  Alban,  33  ;  ruins  at,  268. 


Index. 


387 


Month,  lunar,  formerly  in  use 
among  the  Mayas,  363-4. 

Monuments,  important  in  study  of 
archaeology,  9 ;  term  denned,  12 ; 
authors  of,  22-3 ;  of  Atlantic  di 
vision,  50;  of  southern  Mexico, 
251  et  seq.;  of  Central  America, 
276  et  seq.;  North  American  com 
pared  with  South  American,  378. 

Moon,  pyramid  of -the  (Teotihua- 
can),  259,  260. 

Moore,  C.  B.,  cited,  110;  his  ex 
plorations,  155. 

Moorehead,  W.  K.,  explorations  of, 
78,  83 ;  on  pottery  of  Ohio,  97 ;  dis 
covery  of  copper  articles  by,  110. 

Morgan,  L.  H.,  on  inclosures,  131 ; 
on  relation  of  Muskhogean  and 
Siouan  tribes,  164. 

Morice,  A.  G.,  quoted,  36 ;  on  cop 
per  among  Dene,  166,  174;  on 
archaeology  of  Athapascan  re 
gion,  171-2. 

Motolinia  (T.  de  B.),  quoted,  266 ; 
on  Mitla,  274. 

Mound-builders,  were  Indians, 
138-45  ;  customs  similar  to  those 
of  the  Indians,  143-45;  had  no 
settlements  east  of  northern  Al- 
leghanies,  154. 

Mound-building  age,  its  duration, 
147-52;  one  and  unbroken,  149. 

Mounds,  exploration  of,  31 ;  va 
rious  classes,  51;  conical,  51; 
elongate  or  wall  mounds,  51-3; 
pyramidal,  53;  effigy,  55-6;  ar 
rangement  in  groups,  57 ;  in  lines 
or  chains,  57 ;  location,  58 ;  dis 
tribution  in  Atlantic  division, 
59-60;  how  built,  61-4;  stratifi 
cation,  62;  age  of,  82;  distribu 
tion  of  articles  and  skeletons  in, 
#4-6;  antiquity  and  authors,  138- 
46 ;  Indians  the  authors  of,  138- 


45 ;  notice  of,  by  De  Soto's  chron 
iclers,  140-1 ;  European  articles 
found  in,  142;  building  contin 
ued  into  post-European  times, 
143-52;  location  of  the  oldest, 
153;  Mexican  mounds  of  wor 
ship,  266. 

Murdoch  (John),  on  Eskimo  adze, 
43,  172;  on  culture  home  and 
movements  of  Eskimo,  45 ;  on 
use  of  labrets,  47. 

Museums,  many  articles  in,  with 
out  satisfactory  history,  24. 

Muskhogean  family,  48;  migra 
tions  of,  163-4. 

Nachan  ("  City  of  Serpents  "),  284. 
Nadaillac  (Marquis de),  quoted,  64; 

on  classification,  12 ;  on  age  of 

mounds,   151 ;   his  "  Prehistoric 

America,"  191. 
Nagualism,  362. 
Nahuatl  (and  Nahuas),  stock,  233- 

4,  241,  268,  316;  tribes,  244,  250; 

movements,  354. 
Nascapee  (tribe),  160. 
Navajos,   174;    at  one  time   cliff- 
dwellers,  229. 

Newark  works,  Ohio,  122-5,  129. 
New  York,  mounds  in,  59. 
Niblack,  A.  P.,  on  north-west  coast 

Indians,  19 ;  on  north-west  coast 

figures,  177-8. 

Nicaragua,  monuments  of,  311. 
Nomenclature,  29. 
Nordenskiold  (G.),  cited,  215,  219; 

his    classification    of    ruins    in 

pueblo  section,   204;    discovery 

by,  212-213. 
North  America,  probably  peopled 

from  Pacific  coast,  378. 
North  Carolina,  mounds    in,   60; 

triangular  pit  in,  80. 


388 


Index. 


Northern  (Pacific)  section,  170. 

Northmen  left  no  impress.  2. 

North  Pacific,  coast,  176-86;  fig 
ures,  177-81;  totem  posts,  179; 
mode  of  burial,  182;  cremation, 
184. 

Oaxaca,  ruins  in,  268. 

Ohio,  effigy  mounds  in,  55, 

Ojibwas,  159-60. 

Olmecs,  319. 

Ontario,  pots  from,  88. 

Ordinez,  cited,  284. 

Oregon,  shell  mounds  of,  185. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  cited,  331 ;  on  de 
struction  of  Mitla,  273 ;  on  origin 
of  Chapanecs,  320 ;  on  origin  of 
Central  American  calendar,  365. 

Otomies,  234. 

Ottawas,  159. 

Pacific  division,  169  et  seq.;  defined, 
17  ;  types  of,  differ  from  those  of 
the  Atlantic  division,  17-20; 
eastern  boundary,  169;  sections 
of,  170;  its  structures  were  of 
adobe  and  stone,  377 ;  probably 
peopled  before  the  Atlantic  sec 
tion,  377. 

Packard,  R  L.,  cited,  113. 

Painting,  Mayan,  245;  Mexican, 
245;  Mitlan,  272-3. 

Palacio,  Diego  de,  on  ruins  of  Co- 
pan,  305-9. 

Palenque,  Holmes's  study  of,  32-3 ; 
ruins  at,  278-85;  the  palace, 
279-82;  other  structures,  282; 
roof  comb  a  singular  feature, 
282;  history,  284;  a  religious 
center,  285. 

Paleographic  objects,  12. 

Paleolithic  age  in  North  America 
not  yet  proven,  5-7 ;  not  dis 
cussed,  5. 


Palgrave,  F.,  quoted,  2. 

Parry  Archipelago,  ancient  stone 
houses  in,  38. 

"  Pathway  of  the  Dead,"  Teotihua- 
can,  259-60. 

Penafiel,  Antonio,  notes  recent  dis 
covery  at  Tula,  346. 

Perez  de  Eibas,  on  Sonoran  tradi 
tions,  318. 

Petitot,  E.  F.,  on  copper  among 
the  Dene,  166,  174. 

Pigeons,  House  of,  Uxmal,  294. 

Pigmies,  supposed  burial  place  of, 
71. 

Pillars,  at  Quemada,  252,  255;  at 
Teotihuacan,  261 ;  at  Xochicalco, 
265  ;  at  Mitla,  271 ;  at  Palenque, 
282. 

Pipes  from  mounds  and  graves,  98- 
102;  stemless  type,  98-100;  im 
age  form,  99;  short-necked  type, 
101 ;  "  Monitor,"  101 ;  long-stem 
type,  101 ;  tubular  form,  102. 

Pirindas,  241. 

Popol  Yuh,  328,  330. 

Population,  Indian,  374-5. 

Pots  from  mounds,  91. 

Pottawotomis  (tribe),  159. 

Pottery,  87-97 ;  in  Canada  and 
northern  section,  87 ;  in  Missis 
sippi  province,  87-8 ;  method  of 
tempering,  88;  of  the  Gulf  prov 
ince,  97 ;  among  Mayas  and  Mex 
icans,  245 ;  of  Mitla,  273. 

Powell,  Major  J.  W.,  cited,  143; 
on  authors  of  the  mounds,  v-vi ; 
discovery  by,  112;  linguistic 
map  of,  169,  200;  his  description 
of  Colorado  Canon  referred  to, 
209;  on  climatic  conditions  of 
pueblo  region,  230 ;  on  Uto-Az- 
tecan  family,  234;  on  formation,, 
of  languages,  371. 


Index. 


389 


Powers,  Stephen,  on  tribes  of  Cali 
fornia,  187  ;  on  California  relics, 
197-9 ;  on  migrations  in  Oregon, 
201-2. 

Poynter  (R.  H.),  on  Indian  burial, 
76. 

Prescott,  W.  H.,  on  Mexican  his 
tory,  234-8. 

Priesthood,  power  of,  in  Mexico 
and  Central  America,  249,  357; 
higher  culture  due  to,  358 ; 
among  the  pueblos,  359 ;  organ 
ization  of,  358-60;  of  different 
stocks  co-operated,  362. 

Priests,  influence  in  advancing  civ 
ilization,  356-66;  inventors  of 
the  hieroglyphs,  357. 

Pueblo  Bonito,  ruins  of,  219. 

Pueblo,  ruins,  215-20;  where 
found,  215  ;  builders,  229. 

Pueblo  section,  28,  170,  203-20; 
physical  character  of,  203. 

Pyramid,  of  the  Sun,  259;  of  the 
Moon,  259-60. 

Pyramidal  mounds,  53,  117-20 ; 
with  terraces,  118-19;  with 
graded  way,  118;  locations  of, 
121. 

Quapaws  (tribe),  131. 

Quernada,  354 ;  ruins  near,  251-5  ; 
show  analogies  to  those  of  Cen 
tral  America  and  southern  Mex 
ico,  253-4;  temples,  347;  possi 
bly  partly  Zapotecau,  348. 

Quetzalcoatl  (Mexican  deity),  257, 
284,  302,  319,  360,  362. 

Quiches,  their  migrations,  326-31. 

Quirigua,  303-4. 

Ramsey  (J.  G.  M.),  cited,  76. 
Rawlinson  (Geo.).  cited,  340. 


Relics  and  remains  defined.  12; 
classified,  13. 

Ribas  (Fr.  Perez  de),  on  traditions 
of  north-wTestern  Mexico,  318. 

Rink  (H.),  on  Eskimo  culture 
home,  44-5. 

Rio  Chico  valley,  217. 

Rio  Mancos,  207-8. 

Roseborough,  Judge,  on  migra 
tions  in  Oregon,  201. 

Sacs  and  Foxes,  159. 

Sahagun  (B.  de),  cited,  256-7,  319, 

333-4. 

Salado  valley,  ruins  in,  221-2. 
Sapper,  Carl,  cited,  304. 
Schoolcraft,  H.  R.,  on  Winnebago 

tradition,  163. 
Schumacher,   Paul,   on   California 

types,  187. 
Sculpture,  Mayan    and    Mexican, 

245 ;  at  Lorillard  City,  286. 
Seler,  Ed.,  on  origin  of    Central 

American  calendar,  365. 
Selsertown    mound    (Mississippi), 

119. 
Serpent,    figure   94,   columns   256, 

301. 

Seven  caves,  tradition  of,  355. 
Shell,  articles   of,  from    mounds, 

103-7 ;  engraved,  105-6 ;  gorgets, 

106;    masks,    107;    beadH,    ]07; 

wampum,  107. 

Shell-heaps,  Aleutian,  36-38. 
Shoshones,  139,  229,  234,  316. 
Sierra  Madre,  ruins  in,  222. 
Silver,  244. 
Siouan  stock  and  tribes,  location 

of,  49,   157;    migrations,    162-3, 

167-8;    not    cultivators    of    the 

soil,  167. 
Sonora,     ruins     in     north-eastern 


390 


Index. 


part,  222 ;  tradition  of  tribes  in, 

318. 
South  America  not  peopled  from 

North  America,  378 ;  no  relation 

between  the  civilizations  of  the 

two,  379. 

Squier  (E.  G.),  cited,  316. 
Squier  and  Davis,   cited,  97,  131, 

133. 

Stairways,  277. 
Starr,  Frederick,  Mitlan  figures  by, 

365. 
Stephens  (J.  L.),  on  palace  at  Pa- 

lenque,  282. 
Stevenson,   Mrs.   M.   C.,  cited  on 

pueblo  cults,  359. 
Stoll,  Otto,  cited,  322. 
Stone,  articles,  113-16 ;  images,  114 ; 

arrow-beads,  types  of,  116. 
Stone  graves,  Indians  buried  in,  72 

(see  Burial);  area  of,  154. 
Study  (of  Archaeology),  methods 

of,  22-34. 
Sun,  pyramid  of  the  (Teotihuacan), 

259-60. 

Swallow  (G.  C.),  on  mound-build 
ers'  houses,  135. 

Tallegwi  (Talega),  identified  with 
the  Cherokees,  154. 

Tarascos,  234,  241. 

Tehua  (stock),  229. 

Tello,  Fr.,  on  ruins  at  Quemada, 
251. 

Temple  of  the  Dwarf,  Uxmal,  293. 

Temples,  Yucatec,  282. 

Tennessee,  mounds  in,  59. 

Tenochtitlan  (Mexico  City),  no 
ruins  of  structures  remain,  264. 

Teotihuacan,  269,  360 ;  antiquities 
at,  259-63,  270;  its  great  pyra 
mids,  259;  pathway  of  the  dead, 
259;  citadel,  260;  hewn  stone 


but  little  used  at,  260-1;  not 
Nahuatlan,  261-2;  pre-Aztecan, 
345. 

Tepanecs,  236. 

Textile  fabrics  from  mounds,  108. 

Tezcucaus,  236  ;  their  form  of  gov 
ernment,  248. 

Tikal,  ruins  at,  303  ;  wood  carving 
at,  303. 

Timuquanan  stock,  49. 

Tlaloc  (rain  god),  symbols,  299; 
statues  of,  344;  represented  in 
inscriptions,  344. 

Tohil  (Quiche  deity),  360. 

Toltecs,  235,  236,  238-40;  Brinton 
on,  238 ;  Clavigero  on,  239 ;  prob 
ably  Mayas,  240;  Charney  on, 
240. 

Torquemada  (Juan  de),  on  Teoti 
huacan,  262;  on  the  Zapotecs, 
319 ;  on  the  Totonacas,  332. 

Totem  posts,  179. 

Totonacas,  234,  241,  332-3,  336-7, 
347,  366. 

Tower,  Chichen-Itza,  299. 

Traditions,  use  of,  10;  Mexican 
and  Central  American,  362. 

Tribes,  permanency  as  to  habitat, 
23. 

Tula,  235,  345-6;  antiquities  of, 
255-7 ;  various  forms  of  the  name, 
255 ;  serpent  columns  at,  256 ; 
sculptured  types,  346;  hiero 
glyphs  found  at,  346. 

Tulan,  326,  328-331,  337,  360,364-5, 

Tulan  Zuiva,  355. 

Tuolomne  county,  California,  re 
markable  discoveries  in,  189. 

Tutul-Xiu,  294,  325,  341. 

Tylor  (E.  B.),  cited,  356. 

Types,  geographical  distribution  of, 
26,  29 ;  essential  features  of,  27. 

Tzutuhils,  migrations  of,  328-30. 


Index. 


391 


Ukiiulliving  (British  America),  sin 
gular  stone  structures  at,  39. 

Ulu  or  woman's  knife  (Eskimo), 41. 

Uto  Aztecau  stock,  233-4,  310,  338, 
359. 

Uxmal,  ruins  at,  288-95;  its  gov 
ernor's  house,  291-2;  nunnery, 
292-3;  temple  of  the  dwarf,  293; 
house  of  pigeons,  294. 

Valencia,  Fray  Martin,  cited,  274. 

Vancouver  (G.),  on  north-west 
coast  villages,  184. 

Veytia  (M.),  quoted  en  Tula,  257. 

Violet  Le  Due,  on  Mayan  build 
ings,  340-1. 

Votan  (Tzental  deity),  tradition 
regarding,  284,  360,  3*52, 

Walam  Olum,  160. 

Wall  mounds,  51-3. 

West  Indies,  peopled  from  South 

America,  379. 
Wheeler,  Lieutenant,  on   ancient 

California  burials,  191-6. 
Whitney  (Prof.),  cited,  190. 
Wickersham    (Judge),    on    stone 

war  clubs,  173. 
Wilson,     Daniel,     on     traditional 

home  of  the  Iroquois,  161. 


Winnebago  Indians,  58;  relations 

of,  102. 

Xibalba  (Xibalbay),  284,  328-9. 

Xicahincas,  319,  334. 

Xochicalco,  ruins  at,  264-6;  exca 
vations  at,  264-5;  pyramid  of, 
265. 

Yakutat,  mode  of  burial,  182. 

Yellow  Knives  (Indian  tribe),  174. 

Yucatan,  people  of,  split  into 
groups  or  tribes,  248;  monu 
ments  of,  287,  339. 

Yuit,  migration  of,  44. 

Zacatecas,  ruins  in,  251. 

Zapo tec-Mi xtec  (stock),  234. 

Zapotecs,  241,  273,  337,348;  their 
culture  and  affinities,  2i'.S;  cal 
endar,  268;  migrations,  318-1.9; 
origin,  354;  prkstly  power 
among,  357 ;  influence  of,  on 
Mexicans,  365;  pioneers  in  Cen 
tral  American  civilization,  3G6; 
authors  of  the  Central  American 
calendar,  367. 

Zoques,  migrations  of,  320. 

Zunis,  222,  229. 


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